Education
or barbarism

Cornelius Castoriadis (Constantinople, 1922 - Paris, 1997) was one of the most innovative maître à penser of French culture in the late twentieth century. Greek by birth, fled to France in the forties. Founder of the group Socialisme ou Barbarie with Claude Lefort, the eponymous magazine published from 1949 to 1966. Initially Communist (he was close to trozkism up to twenty years), has developed one of the most radical and articulate criticism of Marxism, especially techno-bureaucracy of the Soviet Union, developing the concept of autonomy. He was a philosopher, psychologist, economist and, above all, revolutionary activist. His work is absolutely encyclopedic, not only vast but varied enough to tap deep into the most varied fields of knowledge. But this versatility has not encouraged the spread of his thought, on the contrary: in Italy only a few works have been translated and published (often in part), an author that abroad remains far more cited than read and assimilated.
Democracy and relativism, the booklet now published by Eleuthera, is a good opportunity (the only in Italian) to meet the thought of Castoriadis in its essential features. After adjusting for the difficulty of the language and academic specialists, but not commonplace, is presented as a dialogue between Castoriadis and the members of Mauss (Anti-utilitarian Movement in Social Sciences), among which Alain Caillé, Serge Latouche and Chantal Mouffe. The issues raised by Mauss, source of the first floor of heterodox Marxist intellectuals, give rise to a lively debate, in which the analysis and proposals for radical Castoriadis emerge with clarity. The result of fifty years, after another fifteen years is more current than ever.
First of all, democracy. For Castoriadis, democracy is not given by nature or by the dialectical development of social relations, it is a historical creation of autonomous human beings who choose to govern themselves and, as such, is a random construction. Nothing is more alien to the Marxist thought of this, inspired by the necessity of revolution. In two moments of history, in classical Athens and in the West, the idea of an independent company (which provides rules to himself), is imposed over rampant heteronomy. The germ of this autonomy is "the development of self-debate": the ability to reflect upon themselves, to distance themselves and revolt from scratch against establishment and create new social institutions.
This process of constant questioning expresses a radical relativism. But this is not a criticism made in front of becoming the opposite. The recognition that social dynamics are inextricably linked to the fragile human contingencies, and they are completely disengaged from the alleged need for historical reasons, rational or transcendent instances, is a precondition for the exercise of freedom. No spontaneity, no easy or definitive answer, because "Nothing can protect humanity from its own folly [1]. But it can be a heteronomy solution, in any form, of delegation to the representatives, or subjection to a dictatorial power, royal, imperial. For this reason the only democracy can be direct democracy, in support of which Castoriadis offers simple and elegant argument.
What are the tools to cultivate an image of independence, which is the basis of the exercise of freedom? Castoriadis indicates strongly paideia, the education, "citizen participation at all levels of society, not a matter in which just wait for a miracle, we must work hard, to introduce institutional arrangements that facilitate. [...] No one is born a citizen. And how can we become? learning to be. You learn, first, observing the city where you are.." Aware (Castoriadis and specifically mentions Berlusconi and his French counterpart Bouygues) that the situation is grave, possibly beyond repair, because the imagery is dominated by trash TV, the vulgarity of mass exhibitionism pornography.
The speech ends with a dual opening to the future. About the impossibility of the ideology of progress, the true point in common between Marxism and liberalism, both at economic and techno-scientific level. "That's so what is the central political issue of today. A separate society can be established only by the activity of the autonomous community. This activity assumes that human beings invest much more strongly than the opportunity to purchase a new color television. More profoundly, it assumes that the passion for democracy and freedom for the common affairs, takes the place of distraction, of cynicism, of conformism, the race for consumption. In short, it requires, inter alia, that the economy ceases to be the dominant or exclusive value. [...] Let's face it even more clear: the price of freedom is the destruction of the economy as a central value and, in fact, unique one. Is it so high a great price? For me, certainly not: I infinitely prefer to have a new friend rather than a new car. Subjective preference, no doubt. Ma 'objectively'? Willingly leave to the task of political philosophers 'found' the (pseudo-) consumption as a supreme value. But there is something more important. If things continue their current run, this price must be paid in any case. Who can believe that the destruction of the Earth can continue another century at the current rate? Who does not see that this destruction will accelerate more if poor countries industrialize? And who will tighten the belt, when you can not keep people constantly providing new gadget? [...] It is certain that we can not continue. But it is certain that one can not simply say: it destroys everything and starts from scratch. We are the first society in which the issue of self-limitation of the advancement of techniques and knowledge is placed not on religious grounds or the like, or totalitarian political sense - that Stalin decreed that the theory of relativity is anti-proletarian - but for reasons [...] of prudence in the profound sense of the word. And I repeat: I am speaking not only of the limits of technology, but also of science. [...] I would very much like an even more powerful Hubble let us know whether or not there were protogalaxies of fifteen billion years ago, is a problem that I'm passionate about. Now, the Hubble and satellites involve the whole of modern science and technology. Where are we going to put this limit, and who will, and from what? This is a real question."

Carlo Milani
 Translation by Enrico Massetti ("The other Fabrizio")

Insights on: http://www.castoriadis.org

1. « No one can protect humanity against the madness or suicide », «La polis grecque et la création de la démocratie» (1982-1986), from in Domaines de l’homme, Paris, Le Seuil, 1986, p. 297; nuova edizione collana «Points», p. 371.

You can not stop
the wind

"The reason for the punishment of lesbian sexuality is given by (...) reversal of the natural feel of women, the alienation that so it is a result from their natural destiny as wives and mothers and alteration and damage the life of the national community so they are producing. " (Rudolf Klare, lawyer and SS Sergeant, 1937).
This quotation, taken from the essay by Claudia Schoppman in the recent R/esistance lesbian to Nazis and Fascists in Europe (edited by Paola Guazzo, Ines Rieder, Vincenza Scuderi. Ombre corte, collana Documenta, Verona, 2010. Pp. 190, euro 19) as well so obvious but disturbing as to look like the theories of contemporary Italian Catholic right, introduces us to the discourse of punishment of homosexuality during the Nazi-Fascism. Offense that has differentiated from the gay lesbians, in Austria in fact, lesbians only have been included in section 129 of the Criminal Code (active until 1971!), while in Germany the homophobic section 175 (active until 1957 in the east and to 1968 in the west) did not name the women. Even Britain, moreover, has distinguished itself for the criminalization of homosexuality, but Conservative MPs failed in 1921 to introduce the punishment for women.
The invisibility of lesbians and then continue even during the bloodiest delirium European “normalization”. As being not in the bestiary and also invisible in the mirror, we lesbians when sent to the concentration camps were defined in another way: Jewish, anti-social, political prisoners, prostitutes ... . ".. The danger of being charged with indecent exposure--was greater for men than for women. On the one hand, because men often seek partners in parks or in the bathrooms, which led to numerous accusations. Second, because the sexual acts by women, by contrast, generally took place in domestic spaces, which gave them great protection."
The repression of homosexuality in Germany was started more starkly in the late Weimar years, then, in 1933, were closed all the local "suspicious" venues, with publication in the press of the banned addresses. Only in 1936, briefly, is the opening of locals in Berlin was allowed to give the impression during the Olympics that the city was not under the hammer of censorship.
The spread and naturalness of desire produces different lives in each class, so the examples of resistance to lesbian, painstakingly drawn from the archives and merged into those precious eight essays, are endless: from lesbian Jewish women interned in camps as asocial, the intellectuals those without political parties, "julot" lesbians, women in concentration camps using their body to get better accommodation. Political struggle and lesbianism clash in a war that, while promoting the release of women from pre-defined roles (increase in the number of workers, military life, etc..) condemns on the other in all the camps' performance of sexual orientation, even in the Resistance: Raquel Osborne tells it in his essay "The red nuns. The vision of political prisoners in relation to lesbian relationships in the Nazi concentration camps and Franco prisons":" Between us, the same fellow who lived the experience of marginalized lesbianism (...)", alone or, as refute the ideology of the "red degenerate" spread by Franco, were segregated by their own comrades, the "nuns" dedicated body and soul to the cause of their party.
The danger posed by concerned women who are fleeing for male sexual instinct economy, we said, is not named or included as appropriate by the Nazis in a manic compendium of biopolitics, which includes mimetic lesbians free resources (ie, excluding those are protected with arranged marriages) in a strategy of "health" segregation that unites women suffering mentally, wandering and resisting work, those who neglect their home and family. All "incorrigible", which were subjected to harsh corporal punishment, forced sterilization and injection of apomorphine.
It is a good choice and significant that the authors have chosen for this book, the word R/esistance, because, as explained in the introduction, our life was (and in many cases still is) a resistance to ongoing attempts to deny our same being in the world.
These escaped the fates that led many women to voluntarily exile among other important roles in the Resistance, as the charming Mopsa Sternheim, who was arrested in Paris in 1943, tortured by the Gestapo (tooth extraction), which to resist morally to the field , which was noted for the strength and care of sick comrades ... made in mind the list of her loves and their quality.
While Kripo, the "Central Reich organization to fight homosexuality and abortion" perform his dirty work, lesbians survived thanks to the system, as Berlin says a lesbian who moved into a small farm north recalls: "At the time of the Nazis I lived flirtation most beautiful of my life. And moreover, during the compulsory service for the storage of ammunition ...".
A lot of the valuable contributions of the book for what concerns the Italian lesbian: lesbian lives in the writing of the brief and often vague quotes of the intellectuals of that time (Mario Tobino, Luce d’Eramo, Gianpaolo Pansa, Vasco Pratolini, Enzo Biagi), underlining the relationship between lesbians and Italian proto-feminists cultural institutions of the time, and even sports as the Academy of Physical Education Women's Orvieto founded in 1932 by Fascist and will become in retaliation a meeting place of lesbians and integrated lovers of... fitness. When you say you can not stop the wind.

Francesca Palazzi Arduini
 Translation by Enrico Massetti ("The other Fabrizio")

Zapata
timeless

This year marks and is celebrated in Mexico on first centenary of the Revolution.
There are those who would like to correct the date and claim that the Revolution did not begin in 1910 and the first movements burst long before. Others argue that the fall of Porfirio Diaz, as well as the establishment of Madero, occurred only in 1911. The skeptics say that the revolution was never completed and this is another point of view to be taken into consideration.
Our companions, however, have made both the best of a bad luck and have held two celebratory in their own way, which took place in June and which we will talk again separately.
The first international symposium on "Migration and Revolution" took place between 7 and 11 June 2010 and was organized by the Department of Historical Studies of the National Institute of Anthropology and History (INAH-DEH) in Mexico City.
The anarchists of the Mexican capital have convened the militants instead for two "Days for the recovery of historical memory of anarchism in Mexico" at the site of the "Libertarian Centro Social Ricardo Flores Magón" (1).
Ricardo Flores Magon and Emiliano Zapata are the two main figures that dominate the landscape for a century of revolutionary ideas in Mexico and never cease to inspire control strategies applicable to all circumstances. For this reason Magón and Zapata are still more than ever on the agenda of both meetings on the historical past of the nation, both on the barricades at Cananea (yes, there again, although with different actors), in Chiapas, Oaxaca or elsewhere.
At the conference dof the INAH I made friends with Dr. Laura Espejel, which, to thank me for "an interest and love the history of her country" made me a gift of her plaquette: Emiliano Zapata como los vierom los Zapatistas (Edition Special Cultural Institute of the Government of the State of Morelos in 2010, 48 pp.).
The beautiful typography and superbly illustrated by Fernando Robles enriched by photographs taken by Francisco Pineda and expertly accompanied with texts selected by Laura Espejel (2). In his preface the Governor of the State of Morelos, Marco Antonio Adame Castillo, explains that this publication is designed for children and adolescents, part of a traveling exhibition that will run through towns and villages in Morelos so that all learn to know those who defended them and encouraged and threatened their life for a noble cause, without thought to derive personal gain. Following the introduction of the historian Salvador Rueda Smithers which alludes to the gigantic proportions of the human great revolutionary who becomes the mythical figure, beyond time and space.
Zapata was followed by the peasants because it was not only one of them but who had better understand that freedom and the land for farmers, go hand in hand.
For hundreds of testimonies recorded by researchers in oral history, the author has been able to extract, with rare skill, the more genuine statements, blunt, compelling, incisive, meaningful that could graphically striking the imagination of any of their users.
Jesús Sotelo Inclán said that Emily, at age nine, saw his father crying and asked him why.
"Because they take away the lands"
"Who?"
“The Masters”
"Why didn’t we struggle against them?"
"Because they are mighty"
"Well, when I grow up I will make them return the land"
(This conversation is reproduced under the photograph of the Zapata family home)
And this is how things are going. The vocation of "Land and Freedom" even though he took it from Magón, has always been inherent in him.
As in the tragedies of Shakespeare there are moments of hilarity, for example when one of the rare trips to town, the populace are calling on the Zapatistas if they are cannibals. The answer, indirectly, gives it another caption stating that hunger was such that sometimes they had to eat dogs, donkeys and horses, although, in general, were fed by sympathetic farmers.
Declares Serafín Placencia Gutiérrez, second captain of cavalry: "If we got to the village then we got food and when we retired somewhere on a hill, the villagers brought us loads of provisions, so we ate." Some interesting photographs: Zapata and Madero, Zapata and Villa, Zapata's corpse, supported by his assistants, incredulous.
I hope that his comrades will rise again. Symbolically Emiliano Zapata never died and continues to nurture the hopes of those whom he had pointed the path of struggle for liberation from all the yokes.

Pietro Ferrua
 Translation by Enrico Massetti ("The other Fabrizio")

Note

1. The first two days provided by the organizers has been reduced to one to avoid difficulties in the academic program of the conference also being devoted almost exclusively to "Magonismo”. Interventions are available via U-Tube.

2. Invited, next month, to collaborate on "Series of lectures on the Zapatistas' convened by the National Museum of History (8 July to 19 August 2010) when presenting a lecture entitled" The Zapatista Medical Brigades" .

Visions of "barbarism"
in Mexico

About a century ago, in the U.S. and Mexico caused a sensation, a book of social commentary, written by the socialist John Kenneth Turner, entitled barbarian Mexico. As many historians say, this precipitated the Mexican Revolution, which this year celebrates its first centenary. Little known in Italy but also in his native Portland (Oregon, USA), this author, after interviewing the Mexican anarchist Ricardo Flores Magon, jailed in Los Angeles, spellled his astonishing revelations in his country there was still slavery, in addition to all the other flaws the product of the tyranny of Porfirio Diaz, in power for three decades. Magón concluded by announcing that there would soon be a revolution erupted in Mexico, prepared by the Partido Liberal Mexicano, and invited him to participate.
Turner did his best to make this happen and went to Mexico several times, the first accompanied by a guide-interpreter, the second with his pregnant wife (which later became the assistant of the intellectual and revolutionary thinker and activist, so the biographer and defend the memory until the end of its life), the third and following a revolution took place. A revolution that had a major player: pitting the American left against Diaz, defending the exiles, establishing conspiracy contacts and procuring weapons to the insurgents.
Turner is the only foreigner to be depicted in the famous mural by David Alfaro Siqueiros dedicated to the precursors of revolution and making itself a strong showing in the Art Museum of Chapultepec in Mexico City. The foreign influence, moreover, is a historical constant in the libertarian movements in Mexico, not least that of the Italian anarchists. Among the representatives of recent generations is enough to mention Pino Cacucci and Claudio Albertani.
The latter, who is fifty from Milan, valued collaborator of the Italian language anarchist publications (but not only) has just published El espejo de México (Crónica from barbarism y resistencia) (México, Altres Costa-Amic, 2009, in-8 °, 194 pp.) with Benjamín Maldonado preface in which not only evokes John Kenneth Turner but concludes that the country is living in "a new barbaric Mexico."
Alberani is a researcher at the Autonomous University and has thirty years of experience under his belt in Mexico. Keen observer and chronicler of the world around him, our friend does not just look to the past and prefer this sound. He notes that the complaint by journalists (against which they obstinately particularly the paramilitary forces, and officers in uniform, or those secret and anonymous, well disguised behind anodyne hood) is one of the most dangerous actions on the agenda. Twenty-six of them were murdered.
Another weapon of choice by the enemy of truth is one of kidnapping. Seven thousand kidnapkings between criminals and politicians are found even in 2007, according to statistics. The semi-illegal gangs and neo-fascist brand of pure, practice a bit all over the country this systematic repression linked to the great neo-capitalist interests: drug trafficking, labor exploitation, antiecological deforestation, protection of the estate, oil interests, mineral deposits and so on.
The healthy forces of the nation defend themselves based on a strategy devised as: creation of autonomous municipalities, self-management, solidarity caravans, cooperative and non-violent resistance and armed, depending on the case. Predominate type solutions Zapatista and Magonist that the author examines closely.
One chapter is devoted to the ÉZNL Mexican reality that breaks into the New Year of 1994 with the occupation of seven municipalities in the region of Chiapas, but declared itself not be considered neither a revolutionary vanguard party or guerrilla operation, but a defender a horizontal democracy.
In October of that year created six autonomous regions and very independent 224 organizations, the government reacts and initiates a military invasion, occupation that lasts up to the agreemnts called of San Andrés Larránzar 16/11/1996, but not respected by the government and take over existing conflicts.
Albertans tells about some of the episodes of this long-term struggle that has followed closely, often as a direct witness. Witnessed, for example the creation of APPO (Asamblea Popular de los Pueblos de Oaxaca) following the protests of the Teacher's Day on May 15, 2006. It was a real resistance, complete with barricades, compared to the Paris Commune and May 1968. The APPO is a combination of net anarchist inspiration, like many other institutions anomic that sometimes arise spontaneously and are sometimes the product of a revolutionary strategy of gradualism that dates back to the apparent "transformation" of the Partido Liberal Mexicano (who was born on a liberal platform , matured in revolutionary socialism and resulted later in a declared anarchism).
Several members of the APPO "are known" (some say "stink") of anarchism, for example: Colectivo Autónomo Magonista (CAMA), Colectivo Salud self-managed Magonista Alianza Zapatista (AMZ), Coordinadora Magonista Oaxacan Popular Anti Neo-liberal. But the reality is changing and in a later document Albertani declares that the APPO is dilapidated and is no longer anything of importance.
Beyond anarchism indigenous groups of Mexico have a history of struggle to their credit because their concept of autonomy is an ancestral heritage that precedes even the conquest of Mexico by the Spanish colonialists. Whether the Zapotechi Tichi, the Tarahumara or the Yaqui, claims are always the same: self-government.
One of the reasons why the figure of Ricardo Flores Magón is still alive is due in part to his native ancestry who have easily led to be champion of their needs. Among the precursors of the Mexican Revolution Magón was the first to denounce the prejudice and oppression of which they were victims and treat them as equals, by outlawing all pretensions of paternalism.
Albertans follows the same route: listen, analyze, understand, and is made available. He knows very well that Santiago Xanica, San Juan Copala, Chiapas e Oaxaca are stages, as it were Cananea, Rio Branco, Paloma, Viesca, Ciudad Juárez.
Sniffing and waiting for the unknown, he opens the heart, readies the pencil and becomes supportive.

Pietro Ferrua
 Translation by Enrico Massetti ("The other Fabrizio")

The drama of the
visceral views

Some years ago, during a debate, a reporter addressed a question to the scientist Carl Sagan, and he replied that it believed it did not have sufficient knowledge to respond in a meaningful way. The reporter pressed him, saying, "All right, sir. But what is your gut opinion? "To which Sagan said that, typically, he tried not to think with the tripe.
The general visceral view, "the thing that I feel deep in my being," enjoys great credibility with those who can not not tell them, whatever the topic. And the rampant malpractice whereby the views of everyone - no matter on what they are based, if they have a basis - are considered as those of any other, gives it additional significance. "It's something I feel deep down", "It's an intuitive feeling, rooted in my being, that this thing is unfair and wrong", "As soon as I heard about it I felt the distinct feeling of being in front of a great truth ". The wisdom of grandmothers tell us to be wary of first impressions, but the same grandfather, who advise us so well, there are also those, which are the evidence and arguments that we bring them to rectify any opinions based on nothing, we argue that "This is so because it is so. I feel it inside me, that my opinion is correct, it is true."
The visceral drama of the views is that, since coming from him and that often arouse strong feelings and emotions are often considered superior, better than the reviews made on the basis of knowledge gained with the method and rigor, than the first, would be "cold" or "aseptic". The sentiments, moreover, are not something that is possible to argue, at least you do not need it, yet we hold our feelings in high regard and believe that a life that is free is a less rich, less full than that most of us think is to live a fulfilling life.
As long as this remains in the realm of feelings, there is nothing wrong. After all, the efforts of evolutionary economics that seeks to explain the reasons of our affections on the basis of an economic calculation of costs and benefits, fair or not the arguments, leave us unsatisfied, because it seems that everything tends to depreciate, empty, trite, to measure the love we have for our loved ones, the affection we have for our friends, the sympathy we feel for this and the antipathy we feel for that. However, when the general visceral strays from the field and receives its own relevance beyond the scope of feelings, it unfolds its full potential for harm. Who would want that the trial judge who sees us as defendants judged on the basis of their opinions, visceral, and you feel you do not need to collect any evidence or any witness, that already feels in the depths of his being what it is to pronounce the sentence? Except for the culprit, having nothing to lose, I would say that anyone does not want such a judge.
Yet despite this simple example already appears to be able to convince, in principle, the most ("Would you prosecute a judge like this?"), The general visceral, as if nothing had happened, he continues to do the lion's share in different areas.
Good parents, Chiara Lalli's book is a study of omogenitorials families undermines the view that visceral in and replaces it with arguments supported by facts. First, the transcriptions of the narratives of the protagonists, we depict a family actually surprisingly normal. Then, through the various topics of timely critical care from moral philosophy, with which you draw impassable regulations lines in order to avoid "potential damage" to persons involved in a relationship or third party, to show how, even in these cases, in most cases it is completely speculative theory and empirical observation disjoint (when no mere exercise in complacency, as the pace of that awful Umberto Galimberti Lalli mentions on page 58). Finally, the book demolishes the persistent claim to make "nature" a normative model ("In nature there are children who have two mothers or two fathers") with stringent and rigorous arguments.
"A child born to a surrogate mother is bound to have emotional and psychological problems, so the practice is banned womb for rent". Agreed: you show me on what basis this statement is funded, if I convince, you can also count on me for the inevitable collection of signatures.
Lalli writes, "there are too many people who know nothing and have no desire to learn. Nobody says, "I must know more before expressing an opinion." He continues to speak badly only on the basis of hearsay, assuming that most people follow this illiteracy, a source of discrimination. And even far-sighted politicians at some point they stop, as if they dared to go beyond a certain threshold (p. 119). So, take example from Carl Sagan would be a good way to address this matter - and, ultimately, all the others - with the seriousness it deserves. This does not mean, mind you, that in the end we conclude that a omogenitorial family is inevitably a good family, above all, not every family is omogenitorial for the simple fact of being omogenitorial is a good family. But this is not, perhaps, what happens with traditional families?
In short, read this book.

Persio Tincani
 Translation by Enrico Massetti ("The other Fabrizio")

A forgotten
program

In this booklet from Malatesta, Franco Di Sabantonio the publisher has the merit of propose anew, back in the circuits of libertarian readers and scholars after a century of oblivion. The reasons for such a fleeting publicist fortune, somewhat surprising given the size of the extensor political theorist, have already been analyzed in the historiography (1). Published in 1884 for the types of the prolific " Questione Sociale" (2) of Florence - the city that it is essential to confirm the connection point and a crossroads of Italian anti-authoritarian socialism (3) - the program will prove, within a decade, useless as an instrument for the purposes for which it was intended: the proselytizing. Rather different fate among peasants for the coeval, authentic best-seller can be said of 'petty' anarchist propaganda, Malatesta classic translated into dozens of languages and reprinted hundreds of times in various shapes and certainly in vogue throughout the late twentieth century . Beyond this, however, this brochure is of great historiography importance, and it is indeed a crucial document for understanding the thought Malatesta in its early evolution, the birth of the Italian Federation of the international anarchist (Rimini, 1872) until the turn nineties. Also vital to grasp the next, big, lapels twentieth century. It is only necessary to point out that we are, for longevity and intellectual vitality and action, in front of a leader (pass the word) of great subtlety and depth. His vision was revolutionary as it affected the political and social scenario across two centuries in our country, reaching full maturity after the failed experience of the Red Week insurgency, continuing well beyond the beginnings of the Italian civil war. A thought, what he expresses in this misunderstood and 'nineteenth century' program that fits a full size still in the early days of political experience, though the virtuous cycle of international experience has already sold out. In fact, the International in Italy as in Europe, will survive to itself for some years, weakening as its driving force to get to wasting in the late eighties. Complicit in the disintegration of the movement between them in current politically incompatible, anarchists, socialist revolutionaries, practitioners, reform/evolutionists. But the apparent anachronism of the Program, we are able to analyze ex-post, reveals the full throes of transition, and the plot of the contamination.

"... They are contradictorily rendered in an intricate plot, naturalistic determinism and historical determinism, voluntarism and ethical positivist scientism ..." (4)

Malatesta (thirty years old at the time), while also lingers somehow on theoretical international schemes to counter the legalistic face of reformist socialism materialized with the turn 'can-' by Andrea Costa (5), exhibits, such as completion/passing of the Marxist vulgate abolition of private property and the means of production, the fundamental insight of the anarchist-out struggle to political power. That supports the "simultaneous removal" to revolutionary means of both. It outlines a new identity gained from the International as a "union of freedom fighters" communist-anarchist antiparliamentary methods, anti-religious. The naturalistic determinism is then the realization that everything is subject to the laws of nature and therefore, a realistic, human society must take on with them in harmony. In science the task of curbing - in materialistic sense - ignorance fueled by cults and priests, subject to full respect for freedom of conscience. The objectives are universal, they concern not only the emancipation of the workers, but the liberation of all humanity, including the gender issue where you claim for women the same rights and freedoms for men and the end of their secular submission. Against individualism, the family and patriotism as true obstacles to human fraternizing. The International aims to promote the union of all in a "great organic body, humanity." For a communist society structured from the bottom up and anti-authoritarian, based on self-management, solidarity, harmony and love, where there will be no distinction between mental and manual labor. To each according to his needs, from each according to his abilities - the well-known adage states - in other words outside the logic of the merits and rewards trends championed by the collectivist, definitively rejected since 1876. And it is a communist, the Malatesta, based on ethics rather than economics, ethics agreement and declined as the political dimension of anarchism:

"... So we have some fundamental elements of his anarchism, which will then be further expanded and topics such as the constant lines of his whole concept: communism as a more coherent and efficient cost-effective way to achieve the principle of solidarity that can only be an anarchy foundation... "(6)

It is a project for humanity, although the referents remain - quite clearly - the lower classes, to which it feeds the spirit of revolt. Because everything belongs to everyone. The revolutionary rupture, "relentless" and inevitable, and armed violence (7), is the means indicated by the International to achieve its objectives. This is because each priviledged will not abandon on its own free will the position he holds. And it is "strong and hit early" through the independent initiative of the masses and, sincerely, "men of good will." Through the free action of organizations and associations (municipalities, cooperatives, trade unions ...) which will arise which are the basic building blocks of the future society. And we will oppose the formation of any new government. Certainly the methods of implementation of the revolution remain unpredictable, and absolutely must be fidelity to the principles set in the Program.
Revolution, therefore, in the form as trauma and violent insurgency, forced break point toward liberation from the oppressions of both economic and political minorities as political revolutionary change; a class substantial: these are the basic conceptions that emerge from theoretical Malatesta (in 'year 1884). As a matter historiographically acquired (8) is detected then, the philosophical architecture of the entire document, 'loans' clear some array of Marx: the centrality of economic exploitation, historical catastrophe, a deterministic proletarianization approach... but then it goes another element equally robust: the voluntarism of Bakunin. In a "special admixture between specificity and spontaneous popular revolution" (9). It must be noted that, as regards the 'spontaneity' the document is characterized by exceptional caution, this clearly as an anti-individualist.
It is also worth pointing out that the legacy of the Russian revolutionary theoretician do not certainly fit the "tactics of the coup", small plots of sectarian cliques - rather attributable to the followers of Mazzini, Garibaldi and Pisacane - but in a large project of a popular revolution in Italy and see, at the same time, the uprising of the urban proletariat and peasant masses. So we can already see some first elements in this program, clearly deriving from Bakunin, useful for a critical reassessment of the entire conspiracy of Italian experience (mostly borrowed from the Left in the method of Risorgimento), from epic adventure of Banda del Matese (10). Afterthought that will be fully operational by the political point of view, with the famous turn of the nineties.

"The revolution is not done in groups of four cats. And isolated groups of individuals can do some propaganda - Malatesta wrote ten years later (11) - daring shots, bombs and such things, if done with correct criterion (which unfortunately is not always the case) can give us the halo of avengers of the people, can get rid of some powerful obstacle, but the revolution is not done until the people took to the streets "

This kind of Malatesta "revisionism" (though still in progress at the time of writing this program) - as has been acutely observed (12) - will not affect anything in the revolutionary perspective. Which, by contrast, expand and enhance the possibilities. Moreover, even the oldest place of Andrea Costa ("Letter to Friends of Romagna, 1879), although of opposite sign, responded to the same need to broaden the contact with the masses.
Note, finally, the shape - almost light-hearted, even humorous - with which the introductory paragraph dedicated to the "Tax Savoy" is written: an appeal to the benevolence of authority ("Taxes, lets our booklet and have rendered a service your masters! "), a burlesque tone, which also expose the real substance of the revolutionary matter.

"We respect the law! [...] But it has at its service rifles and guns and handcuffs and we're people too sensible to put us at odds with it, until we have stronger arguments in our hands who are not good reasons and impulses of the heart "(13)

For the "International Comrades" instead asks indulgence for the "hasty and short exposure." While recommending the comments and further contributions to be used "in a second edition more comprehensive and methodical, which could wish that a collective work" (14). The eagerness of Malatesta not obviously depends on his will but by the vicissitudes of personal judgments. In fact we must consider that, when it deals with the preparation of the program, has just returned to Italy from Egypt, in a few months, will be forced to flee to Argentina (where he also founded a new journal with the same title of the Florentine one) (15).
It is evident in the author's intention to bring a revolutionary synthesis of difficult terrain all the way done by the International since 1864 (16) and the subsequent critical and irreversible steps. It is an attempt, generous but doomed to failure, to consider international experience in prospect recoverable whereas simply irrelevant "to the International shy of the first times." Malatesta seems to realize it because the "preliminary" intentionally weakens any connotation of the word solid, visionary program ("... only try to explain briefly the latest findings, to which the International has so far come") (17). Valuable document, however, that some of the time responding to the climate, it redefines the features communist tenets of anarchism and anti-parliamentarian.

Giorgio Sacchetti
 Translation by Enrico Massetti ("The other Fabrizio")

Notes

1 See P. C. Masini, History of Italian anarchists from Bakunin to Malatesta (1862-1892), Rizzoli, Milan, 1969, pp. 215-218; G. Berti, Errico Malatesta and Italian and international anarchist movement (1872-1932), Franco Angeli, Milano, 2003, pp. 120-126.
2 "the social question" (1883-1889) is published in Florence and Pisa in recent months. Comes out as a weekly "communist-anarchist Organ," then the subtitle of "Voice of the workers." Promoted by Malatesta, has among its principal collaborators: Francesco Merlino, Francesco Pezzi, Luisa Minguzzi and Francesco Natta. Follow one another as responsible editors: Pilade Cecchi, Pietro Vasai, Pio Clementi, Pilade Fantasia. See L. Bettini, Bibliography of anarchism, vol. I, Volume 1, periods and numbers only published in Italian anarchists in Italy (1872-1971), CP Publishing, Florence, 1972, pp. 33-34.
3 The presence in Florence of Errico Malatesta, in the early eighties, certainly increases the role and importance of anarchism in Florence (which is recovering from a period of repression following the close of the episode of bloody antimonarchical bomb in Via Nazionale in '74). In the city there is the Anarchist Federation of Via Strozzi, composed of "Circle of propaganda among young workers under the age of twenty" and "Circle of the great propaganda". This is an array of popular anarchism entrenched. Among the major groups citizens: “I Pezzenti” and “Vendetta” of San Frediano; “I Ribelli” of Porta Romana; “Luisa Michel”, “Né Dio né Patria”, “Germinal”, “Gustavo Flourens”, Gruppo delle Sigaraie ... There are also several groups in the district: in Pontassieve, Le Sieci, Figline Valdarno, Lastra a Signa, Ponte a Signa, Rifredi and Sesto Fiorentino... See E. Conti, The origins of socialism in Florence (1860-1880), Renaissance, Rome, 1950, P. C. Masini (ed.), Biographies of subversive compiled by the Prefects of the Kingdom of Italy, "Historical Review of Socialism," a. IV, No. 13-14/1961; G. Sacchetti, subversive in Tuscany (1900-1919), Other editions, Todi, 1983.
4 G. Berti, Errico Malatesta and the anarchist movement ..., op. cit., p. 120.
5 See E. Gianni, the Italian International between libertarians and evolutionists. The congress of the Italian Federation and International Workers Association Federation of Northern Italy (1872-1880), Pantarei Edizioni, Milan, 2008, pp. 305-309. See also (p. 310) on the map "Consistency of the anarchists in March 1884."
6 G. Berti, Errico Malatesta and the anarchist movement ..., op. cit., p. 123.
7 "... Her arms are the bands and the barricades, guns and dynamite, iron and fire, put in place to destroy armies, fleets, forts, prisons, and all that is opposed to the triumph of socialism, forcing the poor to endure his plight ... "(Programme, see below)
8 See G. Berti, Errico Malatesta and the anarchist movement ..., op. cit., pp. 125-126.
9 G. Berti, Errico Malatesta and the anarchist movement ..., op. cit., p. 126.
10 See P. C. Masini, internationals. La Banda del Matese 1876-1878, Edizioni Avanti, Milan-Rome, 1958 [reprint: Franco Di Sabantonio, Rome, 2009].
11 "Art. 248 ", Ancona, February 4, 1894, Let's go among the people.
12 See P. C. Masini, internationals ... op. cit., pp. 132-138.
13 program, see below.
14 program, see below.
15 See G. Berti, Errico Malatesta, in M. Antonioli, G. Berti, S. Fedele, P. Iuso (ed.), Biographical Dictionary of the Italian anarchists, Pisa, BFS, 2004, vol. 2, pp. 57-66; L. Bettini, cited Bibliography ...., Vol. I, Volume 2, periods and only anarchists numbers in the Italian language published abroad (1872-1971), CP Publishing, Florence, 1976, pp. 3-4.
16 "The document opens with the Constitution of the International in 1864, but in fact the original International has remained the name [...] For the rest of this New International, whilst being in the tradition, and recalling in particular the orientation of Current anti-authoritarian, anarchist is now definitely in the program, in tactics, organization ... "(PC Masini, History of Italian anarchists ... op. cit., p. 216).
17 program, see below. And again: "... The conditions of struggle in which we International fans live is that this organization often can not be regular, that sometimes are missing all or part of federal agencies, that the match is interrupted and is not possible, because of the police or other, to join the conference. Even so, the International ceases to exist ... "(ibid.).

Against the respectability
and the current moral

The first part of the title (Franco Brizi Le ragazze dei capelloni. Icone femminili beat e yè-yè  1963-1968, Rome, Coniglio Editore, 2010, pp. 282, euro 38.00) do not be misled by the mischievous and malicious; you also read the caption. It had nothing to girls' use by "hippies". If ever they were young teen-ager who, in the youth protest movement of the sixties, tried to devise their own female identity, carve their own space and independence of opinion, connoting an uprising youth, in which emerged a gender.
The book effectively portrays a journey of empowerment of women outside the established stereotypes of tradition. It is a totally impolitic, that has the symbol break in dress, singing, and will firmly demand freedom. In the world of song beat of musical ensembles, in the premises for young people, had never seen so many young people and young, even in their twenties. They were of the neo-Nilla Pizza, anything, it was Patty Pravo, Silvie Vartan, Caterina Caselli, Catherine Spaak, among others. Break with the style of dress of the mothers, with their old conception of the role of women in society of men, imposed in fact, his behavior, a new ideal of femininity, conquered the field, with determination, tenacity and courage. Yes, courage, and bigoted preasts because Italy was not ready for reception of new lifestyles, oppose them and judged them severely even more so when it came to females. The vanguard of style became a symbol and the reference of thousands of boys and girls who locked in their families suffered in silence, muttering, half-muttered words of protest, an aspiring new role in society. Many of them were still forbidden to wear a miniskirt, wear boots with heels, use the eye-liner and mascara, for this, loved them, they saw in their attitudes, behaviors, and songs, a cohesive and representative of their response dissatisfaction and suffering.
The book documents in great numbers the amount of avant-garde singing beat with a long biodiscografia girls. Interviews to follow five girls beat edited by Maurice Becker, while the central part is dedicated to the reproduction of news services dedicated to them by magazines such as Ciao amici, Big, Giovani, Ciao Big, published over the years ranging from 1963 to 1968 . These magazines cover a large part of common topics: the reform of the school and its shorter school week programs with Saturday off and no homework for Monday, introducing sex education in schools, divorce, sexual freedom, virginity, fidelity in marriage, flirt , escapades, conscientious objection, freedom of choice in the field of youth friendships and marriage; request to lower the age of eighteen years, attention to cultural fashions, costume and music of British, American and Italian beat, reporting on the birth of youth movements in other European countries (hippie, I feel) and forms of protest and revolt of morality, ample space to letters from young readers, expressing their dissatisfaction, their impatience with the respectability and moral power, long discussions on longhair, on the difficult relationships with adults and their parents on the runaways.

Diego Giachetti
 Translation by Enrico Massetti ("The other Fabrizio")