In early 1921, when already in Tuscany has unleashed the fascist offensive, Piombino had not yet known the squad and even violence for over a year resisted the black circle that holds it.
Unlike other places, in Piombino fascism was born in the shadow of the chimneys with the money of the "bosses" and Magona ILVA, the two most important steel factories of the city, occupied by the armed workers in '20. These two industrial giants not only provided funding but also the soldiers for the Black Action Thug gangs turning into the guards of the two buildings, people have always used anti-working class hatred. However, these phenomena of the first wave of fascist do not find the space to grow and flourish because it contained by a highly combative and revolutionary working class, strongly influenced by both the anarchists and anarcho-syndicalists from the local Federated Chamber of Labour USI.
To understand this influence just look at the results of the elections in '19, with 3,483 blank votes against 1,487 votes socialists, a total of 6,098 voters and the composition of the council ILVA Magona with 15 delegates and USI anarcho-syndicalists against five delegates of the Socialist and Communist FIOM.
This is how the "fateful" March on Rome "in October '22, fascism Piombino not even reach a hundred thugs. Before the '22 local fascists do not dare to keep their rallies in the city, and indeed whenever the squads of Pisa, Siena and Florence does some "enterprise" should suffer the wrath of the anarchists and the Arditi del Popolo.
The slow rise of fascism in Piombino to some extent can be attributed in part to the helpless of the CGL and the Socialist Party which, along with representatives of various political parties, industrialists and beams of combat, form a Citizens' Committee to pacify the city and resolve the crisis in the steel industry, which threatened to close, laying off all staff.
This official recognition of the socialist forces to the rising fascism is the local equivalent of the same policy at the national level will lead to the peace treaty between fascists and socialists. It will be the Citizens' Committee which, purged of the socialist elements, will hand the administration of Piombino after the conquest of the city.
Obviously, this Citizens' Committee is the anarchists who the Labour Federated USI refuse to participate, insisting that no peace is possible with industry and with the bundles of combat, but that is indeed revolutionary duty in the streets and fight off to crush the fascist violence.
The anarchists and anarcho-syndicalists were in fact just the major supporters and activists of the Arditi del Popolo. On the initiative of the socialist deputy Joseph Mingrino the 144th battalion of the Arditi del Popolo was made at Piombino, where the anarchists were joining the Communist wing of the Socialist Party, which soon after leaving the party to form the Communist Party. Soon, however, the communists will come from these formations for defense workers and even a circular warning the executive of the Communist Party of Italy all the militants from entering the Arditi, or even to have contact with them. After this defection, the Arditi del Popolo in Piombino will consist almost exclusively of elements anarchists and anarcho-syndicalists and they will support the harsh and often bloody struggles that will prevent, in the middle of '22, the fascists to come to Piombino.
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The headquarters of the USI Piombino in the early 20s of last century. |
The attack on the socialist Mingrino, July 19, 1921 was the trigger for the Arditi first time. They attack the "den" of the Piombino fascists but find it deserted, and then home to home and at work capturing the fascists and forced their leader, the director of the shipyard, to sign an act of submission.
The royal guards ran to help the fascists are overwhelmed and disarmed.
Only a few days after the reaction of Arditi ends and the police can regain control of the city.
Meanwhile, August 2 Socialists and Fascists in Rome signed the peace treaty. The Arditi Piombino affix a poster: "There can be no possibility of peace, right now, between the proletariat and its Piombino exploiters... the daring of the people will remain vigilant and against blacks armed thugs. "
On 3 September the anarchist Giuseppe Morelli found to put up posters against the peace treaty with the gun reacts to royal guards and the Fascists, was killed in the conflict.
During the night, providing the reaction of the anarchists, the police burst into the homes and workplaces (during night shifts), arresting more than 200 fellow comrades. Eliminated the individuals and the bold anarchists of their most active political and trade union militants, the fascists understood that this was the time to launch their attack. Burned the first section, a socialist, then the Confederation Chamber and the printing la Fiamma, and then headed towards the Labour trade union, but clashed with a patrol of young anarchists, including: Landi, Lunghi, Venturini, Marchionneschi, Panzavolta, Franci, Messena Lucarelli. Arrived in the meantime groups of workers and the police were forced to arrest the fascists to save them from healthy popular anger.
Armando Borghi tells: "I held a conference in Piombino, the present Communist deputy Misiano. The fascists had driven him out by Parliament, threatening death, and he took refuge under the protection of the anarchists, in the Tuscan town, still kept our end of 1921. "
The fascists attempted the conquest of Piombino April 25 of '22, but came to the outskirts of the city and found the anarchists and Arditi which quickly routed the Blackshirts.
Meanwhile, after the reopening of steel mills, maneuvering skillfully with hiring discrimination to make the weak compactness working (Piombino even then was a city-factory) company managements were preparing the final blow, having also secured the full cooperation of the Citizens' Committee.
Another victim was a young anarchist Landi Landino (May 21, 1922), which the Fascists kept this as the main architect of their "withdrawn".
On 12 June (after an accident specially created where a student is killed for the funeral of the fascist and who came to town, the Fascists in the whole area) and the royal guard squads sent from Pisa to "restore order" took over the city.
First, take the City and the Magistrates Court, then the fascists attack and destroy the headquarters of the Socialist Party and CGL. All night and all day, with hundreds of assaults, the gangs are trying to conquer the Chamber of Auditors of the University and Printing anarchist newspaper "Il martello", always rejected. Only after a day and a half of fighting, the fascists and the royal guard can bend even the anarchists.
Fascism was also passed in Piombino and the most prominent companions were saved in exile, others were subjected to harassment and persecution during the fascist regime.
Take for example the story of two friends: Egidio Fossi and Adriano Vanni.
Egidio Fossi, condemned by the Assizes of Pisa in '20 to 12 years and 6 months, 2 years of which spent in segregation Portolongone, the other in various jails. He was released on amnesty in October 1925, was later persecuted repeatedly warned and threatened by the fascists, as long expatriation in France illegally. Abroad did not escape the persecution, and so began the wandering life of the spill, also hunted by French police.
At the news that in Spain the people had risen against the attempt to "coup" Franco, he did not put time in the middle of August 1936 and reached the Italian column Francisco Ascaso, participating in all activities on the Aragon front of Huesca, staying to fight in Spain until March 1939 and was then interned in the concentration camp at Gurs and companies working in the office. In 1940 he was taken prisoner by the Germans, was translated into Italian and then assigned to Ventotene confinement for 5 years. He was freed in September 1943 was able to return to Piombino in 1945, where he resumed his place in the ranks as a worker and anarchist at Italsider.
Adriano Vanni, who was sentenced along with Giles and released at the same time was immediately beaten by the fascists in blood, was forced to flee abroad, but even there he had a hard time. He returned to Italy after a few years, began again the persecutions of the regime and the beatings of criminals in black shirt. Actively participated in the population uprising against the Nazi of 10 September 1943. The partisan struggle saw him among the most effective leaders of the resistance and worked with other libertarians who acted in training areas in the Maremma, was a member of the core peripheral CLN. A release occurred, although he came face to face with many of his captors of the two decades, had the moral strength not to retaliate.
Other classmates had to take the path of exiled Piombino, such as France Darius Bacconi, (Manager of USI), Agnarelli Emerald, and more. A fellow moved to Torino Guerrieri Settimo, Baroni Ilio (crashed in GAP groups), Bellini and Cafiero. The comrades who managed to stay in Piombino were not immune from threats and warnings and, when there were government figures in visit, they were taken from their homes and held in prison for 3 or 4 days.