News
of anti-clericalism

by Persio Tincani

The allegiance to the Catholic Church is not the prerogative of only the right.

In recent years, when it raises the question of the interference of priests in public, we are increasingly told that the problem is an "old issue" in the sense that this is an issue that has had its day. This is, in the expression of the idea that the separation of church and state is "the stuff of Risorgimento" and that residues of anti-clericalism - that means nothing more than opposition to the claims of secular rule by priests and their associates - are something which modern society could, and perhaps even should, be free.
Yet, more than ever before, the interference is now active with a lot of evidence showed. Without even one more form of savoir faire to which it was well trained, the clerical party addressed guidance, directives, orders for policy makers, and exercises, when necessary, a real power of veto. And they do it all, from the village priest who claims (and get) that the mayor revoke the permit for a satirical demonstration, to the head of the bishops who, in fact, commanded to tear up the DiCo project saying it with a parliamentary "no possumus" that yes,is of the Risorgimento memory. And do not forget when Berlusconi, fresh in office, went to see Joseph Ratzinger to receive from him the express greetings to the leader of a "friendly government" to seal a pact of mutual assistance and, above all, of mutual government.
The allegiance to the Catholic Church, however, is not only a prerogative of the right. The Democratic Party, that opposition that governments around the world envies to Italy, has even written in their Charter of values that religion isn't a private matter, but rather is something that points out into the public arena. Not be made virgin, in Italy, when you write "religion" is a religion, the Roman Catholic hierarchy, structure, organization. For the parties of declared Catholic "inspiration" are flanked politicians of each side that, before anything else, declare their being Catholic. Even among those who call themselves "secular", it is rare to find one that fails to declare its respect for the church, which is repeated an unspecified role of "moral guidance" or "charity care" given for granted for both conditions and never proven or argued.
So while we celebrate the 140th anniversary of the breach of Porta Pia, the Vatican secretary of state, Cardinal Tarcisio Bertone, sits next to the president of the republic on the stage of the authorities, from which rises a prayer for a united Italy. And he has good reason, the Cardinal, his enemies of yesterday, are now, today, his waiters.

 

My Anarchy

by Pino Cacucci

«But tell me, take off this curiosity of mine: you anarchists, what the heck do you want? »

It was the year ... 1974, if I remember correctly. In Chiavari I helped to found the Group of the Durruti Tigullio group, and every so often I went to Genoa where I frequented the circle of anarchist Pietro Gori, and the oldest among them was Giuseppe Pasticcio, never seen without the eternal black ribbon to the collar of his worn out shirt. At that time, I also participated in a rally by Paolo Finzi, distributing copies of A with obsessive commitment, persuading them to purchase through thoso who, a few minutes before, never imagined they would return home with that magazine in their pocket. Maybe I went a bit 'too much in evidence ...
Why so happened that at that meeting, including the police service in public policy, there was my former classmate (and in this case is inappropriate word companion) enlisted in the military police. It tipped round the top of my name and where I lived. I would have found himself some time later, saying he had seen me "so convinced in the front row" to look like a fanatic, in fact, in his view, had done" for my own good." Years were tense, 70, and that cowardly was enough to make me card to the police headquarters in Genoa, a lasting impression for a long time, so that fifteen years later, going to renew the passport at the police headquarters in Bologna, where I lived for some time now, when I picked it up I was told by the agent "in charge", "We are still waiting for clearance from Genoa, you know, you are carded there ...." Finally, I had to go upstairs, to get back my passport, where I had a dialogue of the absurd with a nice cop, which she began: "You see, I know many things of authonomies, of lottacontinui, the potereoperaisti, hard-line Maoist- -filoalbanese ... but tell me, take off this curiosity of mine: you anarchists, what the heck you want? ".
Seraphic replied: "Peace in the world."
He broke open arms: "Oh, yeah right, well I'd like, but do me the pleasure, do me."
And she gave me back my passport renewed.
At Chiavari, before I became of age by birth, I frequented a tavern by the curious nickname, "U sucidu" because of the stench of rancid wine, smoking, the tables with an inch of fat on ... well, 'a little' dirty yes, but it was a nice place. There often went Roberto Leimer, and we gathered around him in various children, attracted a bit 'from his speech mixed a bit' bohemian-looking, and much of its generous capacity for libertarian invective calm but steadfast. A anarchist magazine was always at the center of our discussions, we drank every article with keen interest, we opened windows on reality and anarchist struggle in many places around the world and the rest of Italy, we felt less provincial every time it came the precious package from Milan to go to sell around after each of us just bought a copy for himself and we were four or five in all, with peaks of six meetings on Sunday morning, when the only one that worked could afford to come.
For the location of Durruti, we rented a sort of closet next to a baker, who did not serve even as a garage, where the main problem was the timely resurgence of sewage sludge every time it rained. Perhaps that was why during the frequent meetings we all face in disgust: it was contempt for bourgeois society, but simply stinks of shit. One day I took the situation in hand: I bought a bag of cement and closed inside the manhole. The next day, a poor woman came down, her house was flooded with crap. Caps on the one hand, the other vents.
In short, we had more problems with the sewers that with the police.
After that time the tattered anarchist group of Tigullio (which for the uninitiated is not the name of a revolutionary Paraguayan but the Gulf that overlooks also Chiavari), it was time to migrate ... The university at Bologna was a good excuse to live alone, with a handful of sciamanna like me. And Joseph pie, a historical figure Genoese anarchist, wrote me a touching letter of "presentation" to fellow Bolognese circles: the still, begins with the phrase "you can have confidence in our companion Cacucci" ... And tremulous signature on his , a beautiful stamp with the circled by the words "Social Studies Club Pietro Gori". The times were so, of Carbonaro candor.
When I showed it at the Cassero house in Porto Santo Stefano, I remember the look of amusement and amazement of the "old", which seemed to be saying: "Since when do you need the letter of recommendation to declare yourself anarchist?". Then there were Libero Fantazzini and his partner Maria, a constant presence of each assembly, meeting, event, everything. Tireless, even at eighty years old. Libero could not see much, not even one eye had it right, but drove his Simca fearlessly. One evening he arrived late and was not from him, he had mistaken a red light of a construction site to construction work for a traffic light, and after remaining still for a quarter of an hour and maybe more, Maria had called for him to put the car in gear. Libero did not like to talk about his son Horst, who was in jail for almost his whole life without ever having shot anybody, the nice robber who sent flowers to the scared cashier, now there is also a movie, Ormai e' fatta, based on his memoir, with Stefano Accorsi to interpret him, and the excellent director Enzo Monteleone. Curious life: Monteleone I would know him when he wrote the screenplay for Puerto Escondido. Horst instead I would have known him just before he returned to his cell, to die there.
Libero was very fond of that his wayward son, too rebellious even for him, that was one of those anarchists for whom honesty is to be an example to the rest of the world, including "bourgeois" honesty. But do not hardly ever spoke to us young men who wrote to Horst in prison and considered him a fellow anarchist in all respects.
Back in the days of Liguria, Fabrizio De Andre was a fixture in our ears as well as in the heart and bowels, and how could it be otherwise, then, when he lived in Sardinia, in the large farmhouse near Tempio Pausania, a few years away from the bad experience of the kidnapping, I phoned him to ask for yet another signing an appeal for some kind of yet another injustice. Fabrizio did not even pray to do concerts in support of the A anarchist magazine, and of course told me that he signed, in fact, invited me to visit him. And he repeated it to me before, but in cases of life, it's over that I went to the Agnata only after he was gone. And this is now something I regret.
Then, the first trip to Mexico, the second ... At one point I lived longer south of the Rio Grande than south of the Po. Mexico gave me a lot, if not all, to start telling written stories. And there I was able to deepen Mexican anarchist figures of which I had only read about on A some years before: the Flores Magon brothers, with the utopia of libertarian revolution in Baja California, and Praxedis Guerrero that in the Revolution was nothing less than "general ", but with Pancho Villa generals were commanders in combat, not with military ranks. And starting to come back to this part of the ocean, with writing, which gradually became a profession, while remaining a passion on the pages of A that I read avidly as a boy, I would have taken me to write well, some sporadically, certainly less than what I want, but always found interest in the reader, or perhaps in some cases provoke debate and criticism for the excessive vehemence of some of my opinions, what is essential is to cultivate doubt, because the anarchists have beliefs but never absolutes: certainly, the habit of splitting hair into four haunts us, sometimes it freezes us, however, the immense variety of views that in the last forty years have found place regularly in the pages of our indispensable magazine, are a rich heritage that makes reacher the mind and stronger the heart.
Long life to A, who cultivates doubt, inform, and leads us to reflect further, because the world is too complex not to be anarchists.

 

 

A magazine to study
(and spread)

by Pippo Gurrieri

In 1977 we founded our Sicilia Libertaria.

IThe 2011 is also my anarchist birthday: 40 years of militancy. It was August 29, 1971 when, with other guys, we decided to abandon the FGCI and join the anarchist movement, then in Ragusa "represented" by Franco Leggio, a young man of 50 years and we drew damn whose home-based- library-den frequented for some months.
It was Franco who advised me to contact A - anarchist magazine, published then by the very young infant cut, as well as Umanita Nova, the historic head of the FAI, for distribution. So for all these years they have been my faithful companions, among the few that have withstood the winds and storms, and there have been some ... For us young people in the far south these newspapers were often our only ways of being in contact with the movement, perhaps without them we could not have done it.
"A" I have always have considered a magazine to be studied, as well as to spread, and although I have not always shared the contents of its articles, its credibility has remained intact over the years, and indeed, I can say now that I'm part I too of the "old", which in recent years has even increased, for that his gift, consistently maintained, to take the new world that libertarian, anti-authoritarian and anarchist planet has been gradually introduced, but especially for a feature I was always close to my heart: to call to a "external"public, a magazine, shall we say, with a term that makes up their noses at someone, of propaganda. Too.
In this spirit, in fact, was founded in 1977 our Sicilia libertaria: to have as a reference to that whole world libertarian, and sometimes unconsciously libertarian, that in the workplace, at school, in social work is our privileged point of reference, then a paper product to say something to those who are not anarchists, with the objective of extending the sympathies and the impact of our ideas.
Who would have then said that even Sicilia libertaria would be able to overcome the age of childhood, and today, with its 34 years, is now the ranks of the few Italian anarchist newspapers quite long-lived, with their elder sisters A and UN.
The ones who you wrote in A and UN, and we could would see from far South as the "sacred cows" of anarchism, then became friends with whom to share many things with which we understand in the diversity, with which we have pleasure of working, to come together around Italy, confirming how, rightly in our movement to publish a newspaper, a magazine, a newsletter, has its "sacred", is a unifying factor, it is often the 'very soul of anarchism.
So the best wishes to A for the next 40 years.

 

The bulky ballast
of tradition

by Rossella di Leo

Soon "A" becomes the context in which to discuss and think of activities concrete, ongoing trials, of critical reflection on the agar.

The adventure and editorial policy of "A" marks, in that 1971, the beginning of a cultural project that grows more complex over time (but especially in that decade) to drive the same group of Milanese anarchists that has just given birth to the magazine. This is how some cultural and publishing initiatives are linked together, whose specific ways of working and which different codes of communication are integrated into an overall vision in mind: to give visibility and coherence to contemporary anarchist proposals.
(Allow me here a personal recollection of the birth of "A", which coincided with the beginning of my story in that group of anarchists in Milan. I've known exactly when it came out the first issue of the magazine, the collective of anarchist students the University of Milan, of which I was part, had gone to pick up for direct sale at the university. It was February, but in the basement a bit 'cold and dark at Piazzale Lugano 31, headquarters of the magazine for a few months before the transfer by way of Rovetta 27, the palpable enthusiasm was warming body and soul. I took a pack of 90 copies of the first issue - the very basic with Proudhon's famous phrase - and the morning after I placed at the entrance of the Statale University to sell the magazine. I had prepared to spend long hours in the cold and instead I was attacked by a crowd of curious students that literally tore the paper out of my hand. Within half an hour I had run out of copies available. Wow! But then the basements work, I said . And since then, until today, I spent most of my time two feet below street level).
As the history of "A", the first years attests (in tune with the times) a gradual shift the attention towards the prevailing militancy "political" (already in the balance between a conventional and post-sixtyeight manner) attention mainly to the many social projects and cultural tumult of liberty that are born in those years of rapid expansion of anarchism. Initially, the journal was conceived as a support tool for militant activity, but it already plays a special role of aggregation for a network of groups and situations very common and still poorly interconnected precisely due to its "spontaneous" character (a point of aggregation also postmodern in the sense that it goes beyond the traditional organizational options of existing movement: associations, groups etc...)
Soon "A" becomes the forum for discussion and reasoning of the concrete activities of the trials in progress, changing expectations of critical reflection on the agar. And from here you need to study other branch calling for further articulation of the same cultural project. So, was founded in 1974, along with Louis Mercier Vega, the international journal "Interrogations", are set up in 1975, following the commitment of Pio Turroni, the Edizioni Anti-Stato, in 1976 was founded the Libertarian Studies Centre / Archive Giuseppe Pinelli, the Utopia bookstore opened in 1977, and finally arrived in Milan in 1980, the historical journal "Volonta'." In less than a decade, thus creating a cultural context that seeks to bring together, with a breath deliberately international, increasingly large areas of reflection with levels of study and experimentation increasingly diverse.
One can not here the history of all these initiatives (for which we refer to the study done by Louis Balsamini http://www.centrostudilibertari.it that can be downloaded from the website). Some will close, such as the "Interrogations" in 1979 and "Volonta'" in 1996, others will transform, like Anti-Stato who will become Eleuthera in 1986, others will be born at different times, as "Libertarian" in 1999, or change hands, such as the Utopia bookstore.
But what interests us here is to emphasize that this editorial-cultural project set in motion by the core founder of "A" comes from an urgent need to rethink and re-found of anarchism. These (then) young anarchists experience in a strong run out of a traditional way of acting and thinking (also called "classical anarchism") that no longer responds to the needs and expectations of contemporary life. And it urges people to reconsider their strategies and tactics (terminology steeped in political language and sunset), or rather to trace the rich, fertile and sometimes contradictory libertarian experimental note the possible routes of action in the here and now.
Perhaps their limits (I speak in the third person but I'm in this too) is that they were not able to get out from behind the hefty weight of tradition, especially in the popularized version that they inherited from the second half of the twentieth century, and proceed lighter (and with less guilt) to a radical revision and updating of anarchism. Which other countries and other cultures has been done without many worries. Perhaps even on other generations who have not experienced the same year and above the same myths. We were still children after all of the resistance, of anti-fascism, of the Spanish revolution and the militant proletariat. Children in fact, not characters, these stories moved us, but they were no longer our own. Yet we did not have the emotional ability to cut with a sharp blow that umbilical cord that has chained us to a glorious past, yes, but irrevocably past.

 

Prison no thanks

by Sergio Onesti

The abolition of the prison is a goal
of civil and human social life

To abolish the prison is a real and not utopian choice, rational and non-ideological, but above all an ethical choice. The current model of the Western system of sanctions is that of outright imprisonment of convicted and that is isolation-storage-waste recycling social entities considered to be confined in a real social dumping which is the prison, where it is being deprived of any institutional practice link social, physical and intellectual damage of the offender.
Our criticism of the prison system, not only Italian, focuses on the treatment of prisoners, which has the following characteristics: 1) individualizing, as if the crime was the result only of personal choice without social determination and as if was possible under the current conditions of prison overcrowding to ensure an ordered rehabilitation treatment on a personal basis, and 2) rewarding, where what is required to convict is to passively accept the penalty without calling into question his conduct nor the prison institution; 3 ) differentiated, since the detainees are "different" not only with other citizens, but also with each other because the prison regime to which they are subjected is varied between "common", "drug addicts", "high security", "41 bis" and even within them in exclusive sections, and that the silencing of differentiation by ethnicity, by religion, etc.. Such practices put in place the exception of the prison system aimed to the isolation of the offender, annihilation of consciousness and volition of the same, as well as the brutalization of the body so much in the mental as in the physical.
The modern punitive system, while theoretically relying on rejection of torture and violence, and thus to safeguard the principle of the inviolability of prisoners, does not care to preserve the physical and mental health of the detainee nor to open prospects for rehabilitation and social reintegration. Suffice it to recall, in addition to the limitations / exclusions of sexuality, food and health sphere, the extraordinary number of suicides afflicting the population held in Italy, whose index is ten times higher than that of suicides in the rest of the population. The prison is increasingly the device "overflow" of society: there are no jobs, no houses, there are equal opportunities, social development, and there is not evolution so, as the society's doors are closed, are open wide those of prison for young people, for immigrants and for those who are expelled from the production processes and those of social integration.
On 31.8.2010 the prison population in Italy stood at 68,345 people (compared with a regulatory capacity of 44,608 units) of which 1830 for the most part interned in mental hospitals, 24,981 foreigners and 2,995 women. This dramatic situation is the result of security-obsession that pervades our society and who sees the proliferation of "carcerogenic" legislation, consisting of such as by drugs law, by various security decrees, etc.. and providing for imprisonment as the only response that can stop the crime without touching the causes that determined it. It is easier to build new prisons rather than seek social solutions, it is preferable to confine the "bad guys" in jail, rather than prevent the causes of crime, reinsert the offenders and deal with the victims of crime. To propose the abolition of the prison is neither an intellectual provocation or a utopian project, but the only option capable of opposing cultural and ethical justicialism as the only solution to social problems; the criminalization of any conduct, especially youth, deviant and transgressive, and to seek an adjustment of the sanctioning treatment that not only has the purpose of segregation, but also compensation, restitution, remedial or compensatory damages. In other words, it is increasingly a need for cultural and civic life no longer thought of prison as a "necessary evil" or as the sole and exclusive mode of expiation penalty.
Only a society without prisons, as called by the anarchists, or with jailing limited, as would some criminologists reformer, can permit the establishment and practice of new tools for dialogue, composition and overcoming the social and intrapersonal conflict that gave cause to the crime without abandoning to themselves both the offender as well as the victim of the crime. That is why the abolition of the prison remains a target of civil and human social life is the achievement of which, however, given the ability to conceive and design a society free from the state or at least a society who successfully separated from a model where the punitive prison is the complete and unique way of serving the sentence.

 

Trails in Urupia

of comunarde of Urupia

The founding principles of the project are essentially two, the collective ownership and consensus in decision making.

Since 1995, the comune Urupia proposes itself as political and social experiment.
Its geographical position in the high Salento, a border land but popular tourist and pilgrimage destination for music, has facilitated the awareness and attendance by many different human specimens: though the common features from its beginnings as a project of clear libertarian and anarchist setting, his interlocutors and supporters refer to an area much larger in the alternate universe also from Europe.
Urupia is an open community that offers hospitality to those who are interested in living and sharing the ideals and efforts to achieve them.
The founding principles of the project are essentially two, the collective ownership and consensus in decision-making as a means through which to achieve economic, political and social equality.
With 26 hectares of land and structures owned by the Urupia association, the material survival of the common is mainly based on farming, oil, wine, bread, fruit and vegetables and their processed-and the social and cultural activities regularly proposals at home-camps for girls, policy initiatives, parties, presentation and documentation projects ... also one of comunarde is doing her job as a teacher in public schools.
Consistent with the anti-authoritarian foundations of the project, the community has from the beginning, and growingly, adopted techniques and technologies to reduce the environmental impact of everyday:
water recycling through constructed wetlands system, solar for thermal hot water and electricity, space heating boilers using biomass from local agricultural products. The cultivation and care of the land are always conducted in accordance with the principles and techniques of agriculture that respects not only the environment and its resources but also of people.
Since 2002, the products are marketed by the joint co-operative the Petrosa founded and run by comunarde of Urupia. Although as a reference also the closest parameters of organic farming, the products are not certified by any specific choice for the mark in the belief that any delegation can never offer guarantees and security on any aspect of life.
At Urupia the neutral plural speaks as a woman.

 

The project and its pitfalls

by Valentina Volonté

For those who is to act in multifaceted world of "social" the floor plan has a magical flavor.

Over the past ten years, the word "project" was, I think, the most pronounced by me and people around me.
The project was (and is) the way we think that the ideas of change and transformation of society, with heavy doses of political will and passion, could materialize and spread in a spiral.
For those who is to act in the multifaceted world of "social", the term project has a magical flavor, almost performative. When with the shareholders and members of the cooperative Alekoslab, we embarked on this adventure of self-entrepreneurial self-management and self-exploitation, we expressed needs and desires, trying to build a working reality a measure of our dreams. We put on paper the goals, ideas, style, quality: we wrote a project. Obviously, the project has evolved over time, but it was and it is the direct expression of a small group of people who have choices and who share a common horizon.
What happens, however, when as social workers we operate in contexts where the need is made by a public authority? "Young people in this city are not, do not feel like anything, are unmotivated, we fail to involve them in the suggestion of the youth policy" then they call the experts with their wealth of technical knowledge and solve the problem. How? Through a beautiful project!
Words are repeated as expert, participation, democracy, local affinity, the difficulty is to try to find the meanings shared with people who often have practices and policies from distant or even opposed locations. The project would then create a reality in our own image and likeness, by mutual agreement between the experts and administrators. Here is a short circuit, however: can you unleash the imagination and then manage the spontaneity of the people, and especially the youth, through techniques? And put these techniques in the service of government almost always an expression of power that context? You just try to design better social ties? Evoke self-management as a horizon, when the reality is far away from the practices that we support? I doubt and I rock and I fill the day of the people I meet every day in their diversity, also conflicting reports that no indicator of quality can be measured, only the sense of humanity that exists before any theory. Anyway, the pitfalls to help stay awake ...
Alekoslab social cooperative

 

 

First step,
human relations

by Valeria Giacomoni

I am happy that I found myself in a generation before that points to cultivate human relations as a first step toward anarchy.

The questions I was asked recently on anarchism made me think a lot and helped me to define "my anarchism."
Dealing with different people and hearing points of view, appreciate or not behavior, all contribute to our training. Because anarchism is something for me that everyone builds, a way of life in which each finds its coherence. And what name do not think I understood this immediately, with the negative connotation that comes in a small town in Northern Italy. Then I discovered anarchism to me "constructive" through the history of the Spanish Civil War and I was lucky enough to enjoy this way of life through Ateneu Enciclopèdic Popular in Barcelona, which allowed me to meet who has known another world and those who continue to fight for an ideal.
With curiosity and persistence, I approached a way of life unknown to me and that is not explained in any book, how to relate with others is something you learn only by living it. Little by little, and thanks also to my upbringing, I managed to break the mold set by a dehumanizing society and learned to "use" the availability to the next which is transmitted to us women in a positive and not "passive"way. I learned to speak in meetings, not to be afraid to set out my doubts and my point of view.
This process is past for writing: I was easier to write what I thought than do not expose it to voice. So I started working with a magazine in Spanish and in "A" I found the development of my thinking and the perfect place to share my feelings and concerns.
I am happy that I found myself in front of a generation that aims to cultivate human relationships as a first step toward anarchy, rather than thinking about great deeds. I smile when someone is surprised to meet people who call themselves anarchists and do not correspond to the stereotype that the media offer. I smile to see that it is a girl with a clean face and smiling to ask the magazine "A", the magazine is offering a learn to knit ... and I like to see many people around me who act in a way that is anarchic, but they feel totally unrelated to this definition. It is certainly important to label what each one is consistent in his behavior.

 

 

Forty years of
anarchy in Bologna

by Walter Siri

Bolognese Anarchism has always been many and varied.

More and more I read the past and I "dread" for however long it became the story. In two years we will celebrate forty years of use of the "cassero" of Porto Santo Stefano, where is based the anarchist club Camillo Berneri in Bologna.
I started to move well in advance of that taken in use of the premises (that the city of Bologna belatedly granted as compensation to the anarchists for the destruction wrought by fascism), I remember the steep stairs of the club "Cafiero" in via Paglietta, but the bulk activity, especially in the 70s, was held on places to live, study and work in the streets and squares. We started, it would be good to say, as my life partner, Tiziana, has shared since then the common social, cultural, design that characterizes anarchism.
Forty years later we are a bit the memory of Bolognese anarchism with other comrades who are still active. These lines for "A" will try to take stock of this experience even though the various stages, phases, campaigns must be viewed in "bird fly".
Anarchism Bologna has always been multiple and varied if only because of the importance that the University plays in the political, social, cultural and economic life of the city. Thousands are the women and men, off-site students, who have crossed clubs, local libraries, groups, collectives, groups of anarchist and libertarian Bolognese; making everybody its specific contribution to movement. Fortunately, the movement is also composed of many, many "native" or "nomads" who have found a permanent place in the city and province.
As the characteristic of anarchism as a component of the labor movement has always manifested in our city with a vibrant and widespread presence of anarchists in the labor and struggles that this world expresses.
Speaking of Bologna and movement with this perspective memoir is a must to stop on the "movement of '77." In fact, there was a lot of anarchism in that movement of Bologna and, conversely, the anarchism of the city remained influenced by the experience. On closer inspection, the 1977 was the year of the death of the movement, of his defeat on the social even before over the military. What had preceded was a decade in which many of many of us for the revolution was not only desirable but possible, almost at hand.
The politicism that often resulted in politicians had sought to normalize the movement, especially workers and student that had arisen in those years. But season after season anarchism resumed over: the political authorities were retracted and the movement progressed. In the first half of the '70s, in Bologna, there were six places explicitly anarchist and anarchism simultaneously permeated many other experiences. The varied be placed in a position to contaminate the movement also participating instances that are not specifically characterized.
Even today, many of the situations "motion" (squats, collective control, coordination, basic trade unions) see a significant anarchist and libertarian presence. Anarchism, as is evident, passes and survives the seasons, continues its work of social subversion.

 

 

Clipboard on the
concrete utopia

by Zelinda Carloni

The failure of many utopians was to prefigure a “model” society.

Bad mistake is the claim that politics is a science, a two plus two four. In reality what has to do with meeting the individual and collective needs (which is the society) is a technique, a skilled craft, but nothing more, and does not and should not have anything to do with " science ".

• "Paradise Lost" can be easily lost when they were never conquered.

• The aspiration for a harmonious and "happy" society should not be confused with nostalgia for the primordial perfection: it is rather the desire to seize an asset that must be conquered from consciousness before the experience.

• Words such as evolution, development, backwardness has to do with a conception of history that assumes that time, however, moving toward perfection, and it is a paradoxical form of utopianism.

• Concrete utopia is not realistic to expect the "redemption" of men is the social structure to be fully balanced, and it is not necessary for this to happen that everyone will turn into a kind of ascetic.

• The dynamics of historical societies it is always appropriate to an alleged right to institutionalization; this practice, provided it has a beginning, becomes aberrant, and multiplies so monstrous groped to define, based on rules and regulations, any behavior or choice of individuals. In fact, the alleged efficiency of society is reduced to a frantic multiplication of its forms in which no case can be framed in all social subjects.

• Each hypothesis proposing a concrete utopia must assume that men are not equal, are not scientifically predictable and do not necessarily respond the same way in certain circumstances.

• The failure of many utopian was to prefigure a "model" society, a hagiography of society which, by the very fact of being hagiographic, moved but is unconvincing. The concrete utopia must assume that the man is what he is: an indecipherable mixture, and not at all scientifically defined, of potential, passion, generosity, meanness, and all those attributes that only poetry can explore, but no science can. Be convinced that this requirement affects any possibility of "other than this" is a form of intellectual cowardice. Because it is certain that this figure makes more complex the development of a social project, but it is false that prevents its formulation. The anomaly, the perversion, the denial must be provided and accepted, because nothing and nobody can ever eliminate them.