Condamned
because he was born

Condannato perché nacque. I graffiti del carcere di Vicopisano tra Otto e Novecento (by Lorenzo Carletti. Edizioni Ets, Pisa 12 euro) is a book that shows the humanity reclusive figures: the figures of his imprisonment and his need to break down those walls.
Lorenzo Carletti in the introductory chapter, the editor of the book, urged historians to operate their cognitive tools to examine materials deemed "low" art and how they can be pitted just graffiti on the walls of the prisons of the subversive 'era. Carletti writes: "In the eyes of wanting to liberate these prisoners - in praise to Caserio, Malatesta and Pietro Gori - there are illustrations of the attacks in Carnot and Umberto I. [...] the European avant-garde from a few years would have looked at this type of evidence 'anti-pretty'and 'primitive'. A definition, the latter in particular, what harm is fitting designs ungrammatical but far from naive, since the substrate of images that carry with them. And this double-culture-reference between 'high' culture and 'low', this mutual contamination concerns, or at least should be, the history of art. "Retrieve those images also means do backwards, recovering stories and narrative paths "extraordinary", combining a unique micro-Italian.
So Carletti focuses on the lives of subversives, anarchists, Republicans, Socialists and Communists, the nineteenth fascist era. Galleries of families reconstructed from the criminal political lives brought together by nomadism and migration, from one land to another, from one job to another, from "poor condition" and a culture that is fiercely wanted to unmark the subordination dominant culture. These routes, like those of Philip and Francesca Mori Polish, are, as he writes in the preface Massimo Carlotto, "essays so important that prevent us from not deal with memory and the present. "

Marco Rovelli

Also in Italy the dictature
of petrolierato

The publisher is called Rabbit but definitely should change the name Leone. This is a brave book. If you do not talk about the magazines really antagonistic and free advertising ... if people feel the sorrow of the Eni? Rebuttal evidence so far journalists have held a near-total silence on the book by a colleague as well, it is admitted softly, in his work is unassailable.
What proves so shocking Sabina Morandi in his "There's a problem with Eni" (208 pages for 14.50 euros) or 'The black dog is the red jelly - how to cover up an investigation and get rid of the journalist " to justify that double, sub-headline alarming? It is immediately evident from the cover who the "black dog" (6 feet) but who are "reds"?
It should be emphasized two general questions. The first - writes in the introduction Morandi - is that "within five years quietly to what I wrote Donna Moderna sciences or ... you could see him only on the manifest or Liberation. The vetoes were the stitches up close to capacity and there are very few stories that can go [...] No war, not oil, foreign quota and supervised in high places. " Freedom of information stands just in theory or if you prefer a viziaccio is practiced by a few maniacs while (allegedly) make great Italian journalists 'Ooooooh' when Wikileas "reveals" that most people know ... just reading the best foreign press.
The second key step is about half of the book, "Without realizing it, even following a path close to my training - a scientific approach, data and raw numbers - had crossed the invisible boundary that separates what you can from what is not can write. " And the "red" - that the newspaper "Liberation" (first mentioned as an exception to the chorus of "silent") - and then they marginalize out the journalist do not like Eni.
The first article proposes that the book is dated 2 October 2003: almost unknown on the mega-project of Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyan that 'it is convenient to Bush "and is built" with our money. " Then the reporter back on the dangerous' games Caucasians "in which Eni is mired. In 2004 one of Bush's goals is "to attack Iraq to attack Europe," as the headline Morandi, who supports his thesis with the rigor of the numbers but also interviewing Benito Li Vigni, a close associate of Enrico Mattei and Agip manager. Now anyone, even within the Eni, appreciates the work of Morandi began to help her - under the table - providing "statistics classified, copies of internal documents, contracts," that information in a democracy should be available.
Even on the policy of Eni in Nigeria, the journalist pursues, among other things, recalling "the jeep with the famous six-legged dog on the side and the machine gun on the roof," the army given to fire on popular protests.
Following for "liberation" (now directed by Piero Sansonetti) the events energy, Morandi said that the Italian troops in Nasiriyah defend wells Eni and democracy, the protests of environmental groups in Italy, "the fake gas crisis" 2006. At this point, contact the company: the first friendly, then less. She continues her work and even investigates citizens (in Rovigo and Livorno for example) "turned into guinea pigs." Here is perhaps the invisible boundary, "screams all you want about what's happening abroad but do not break the boxes at home."
I stop because the space of a review is minimal and in any case the analysis and background of "There's a problem with Eni" should be read in its entirety is not summarized in a few lines. Sabina Morandi weaves his personal experiences with the Italian energy policy is not to narcissism but to show, step by step, as a journalist who does his job well is censored, manipulated (for procuring advertising in exchange for "muzzle") and then thrown out newspaper of a party that is said of the far left.
Ben, the author explains in the introduction that it is better to avoid any "self-pity" thinking about what they are paying people like Anna Politkoskaia to do real journalism.
An important book as well as brave. Perhaps the questions go beyond the same Eni and its policy. Circulated in the last century, the idea that a "dictatorship of the proletariat 'was good but they were disasters around the world continued unabated while the silent" dictatorship of oil. " In the first talk is no longer even though there is always the proletariat, of the dictatorship as the cost we pay every day .... Paradoxically, although the oil is running out.

Daniele Barbieri

Deleuze, Derrida, Foucault:
anarchist reading

We publish a part of the introduction by the curator Salvo Vaccaro one of the last volumes of Eleuthera, just come out in the library: Pensare altrimenti. Anarchismo e filosofia radicale del novecento (by Salvo Vaccaro, Eleuthera, Milano 2011, pagg. 208, € 16,00) .

The book that holds the brave reader is not a simple anthology, nor a mere miscellany of philosophical texts, gathered for the occasion and sewn together by a common thread any. Through the display of several essays and articles, and authors from diverse cultural backgrounds, but share a common style of philosophical and policy together with the topic of the contribution that the radical philosophy of the twentieth century can bring to the array of theoretical ' anarchism, this book comes from a cultural project which should, for fairness and transparency of intent, explicit motives, reasons and guidelines specific to the curator.
The first spring is an unease, an anxiety mediated by a philosophical self-reflection on the political destinies of anarchism which has been handed down by the Enlightenment to the present day. By Godwin on, anarchism in its many variations has been typified as a political theory that is in practice, rather than the ethical and philosophical categories, let implicitly in the background, the test stand, the challenge of the different enjeu forms-of-life that organize the world and our stay-the-world. You can interpret anarchism in contextual sense, that is tied to a specific route epoch of humanity, that originated from the Enlightenment to the Convention, according to a competitive game among other political theories similar to competing in intent but differentiated targets for the outcomes of organizational societies, and tactical and strategic functional methodologies to achieve the ideal of emancipation from the critical domain. But it is also possible to interpret broadly anarchism as the "first name" that the late western culture is given (roughly from Proudhon onwards) to signify an irrepressible search of freedom, cognitive and physical, singular and plural at the same time, not separated by a bond of equality among individuals in their mutual relations between bodies and social considerations into their internal and external joints. If the first concise definition delimits the scope of a theory of politics that feeds on a particular philosophical atmosphere, the second, which was not in contradiction with it, constitutes an ethical and philosophical dimension that transcends the narrow portion of space and time to project the long era an axis of anthropology of humanity which knows no limits, no territorial borders or language barriers or cultural specific.
This is not the place to investigate the length and breadth of the two schematization advanced mo 'as an excuse, but whatever the direction in which we lean on the basis of our feelings, it presents numerous opportunities to discomfort and anxiety compared to original expectations , even compared to a historical summary financial statements with respect to current events or Outdated anarchist society in the twenty-first century.
In relation to original expectations, we can say that the political theory of anarchism aims, as stated, not so much to orient towards a philosophical reflection, as towards the political and social projects aimed at providing the best environment possible to the ideal and real spasmodic of freedom in equality between different that does not just hole up in everyone's mind, but that is to be pursued in social arrangements and indeed the objective of his theories, however, moved by the conditions of subjugation, slavery, bondage, for put it in a word, which feeds the theory itself as libertarian practices compendium. In other words, in a philosophical sense, anarchism tends towards the reconciliation of Western thought and reality, desire and real, bridging a gap that other theoretical models profess filled, thus justifying the need for a policy domain on things and on human living, human or otherwise. However, this reconciliation, both on a theoretical level as in the concrete, it has not (yet?) Date, unfortunately ...
In relation to the budget historical, critical reflection and self-criticism on the fluctuating fortunes of the movements that are genuinely called anarchism is abundant, such as to measure the losses and failures, the deficits, the defaillances both in moments of calm, so to speak , and especially in the high moments of history in which real anarchism has found more than a protagonist, even close to its completion: the reconciliation that is revolutionary in thought and society, between theory and practice. Today, more modestly, but even more sadly, it seems that those who animate a practical ideal, with passion and determination that enhance ethical conduct individual and collective or professing a theoretical and analytical thinking and libertarian anarchist find themselves on the margins of social, rendered meaningless to the balance and the balance of power (including cultural), as if models and practices and values were no longer able to have a significant impact on the minds and bodies of the company's segments, unable to guide a highly mobile social dynamics, however, for one hand, but ingrained in a non-removable permanently (not just logic) of the fetish of the dominant for the other.
In relation to current or less of anarchism in the XXI century, finally becoming established an unusual fracture schizophrenic: on the one hand, the social dynamics expand everywhere, of course, limits the opportunities of starting, among other things unequal in different corners of land, potential for freedom but can not find in any political project summary completely anarchist or libertarian, indeed quite the opposite, and second, the world seems more self-destructive spirals tighten, the most anarchic and libertarian assumptions should offer in the first place as one of the remaining chances of salvation, but already used the conditional predicate indicates a logical inference that supports a more disenchanted aspiration, that a resource actually available to most people.
One could argue that the discomfort and anxiety in the face of desolation of the scene today should be contextualized and if anarchism is a practice that is theory, not vice versa, starting from the material conditions seriously compromised as a standard of living and welfare qualitative and quantitative, probably is not a West rich, powerful and wealthy who can come the libertarian levied on the world, but from those corners of the planet actually enveloped in a state where emancipation at the earliest, according to a trajectory that, hopefully, not slavishly follow the same path taken in the Western world. And yet, this claim seems not unreasonable to meet also with a deep disappointment, if outside the Western anarchist theory and practice do not seem (yet?) Occur for intrinsic inability to fertilize the segments planetary condividenti a different view the world as part of a different civilization, in which the tenacious pursuit of freedom takes disparate faces and names.
If we do not want to attribute to mere idiosyncrasies of psychological distress and anxiety that do not occur only on a personal level, it should sound if the factors responsible for the substance or only reside exclusively in the field of practice, since the actual movements are likely to experience setbacks and failures that dominate the existing deficits and shortcomings as well, or you need to investigate in depth the theoretical core of anarchist thought and thought about how it is genealogically structured in the modern era. In other words, if anarchy is far by the approach according to the theoretical model inherited, it is quite possible, but implausible before me, that anarchism enjoys excellent health, in spite of, dare I say, anarchists and anarchist flesh and blood, whose act seems a little frustrated incisive, if not irrelevant, compared to everyday life, the stakes of social dynamics, the political balance within and outside the institutions.
Of course, who leant to this latest diagnosis, extremely scandalized for daring to think and even say a deficit of anarchism, if not of anarchy as a real movement aimed at its completion, would be superfluous reflection (self-) criticism on the theoretical as is the challenge of this proposal intellectual and cultural life. The failures, failures or the failures of the movements that have been recalled and is still more or less explicitly refer to anarchism and libertarianism (left, not to confuse it with the libertarianism of a typical Anglo-Saxon right but pro-market anti-statism capitalist governed by sheer force of taxation) are not attributable to some failure theory, which stands on the model Minerva from Zeus's head whole in a particular historical era and in a particular geo-cultural area of the planet to be perpetuated in ages free from every misfortune and every historical epoch-making voyage, always true to itself as self-sufficient from the outset. Of course, relief consciously caricature, but the self of anarchist thought is, in my opinion, one of the factors which underlie the failure of discomfort today. In fact, as is known, the mode of self-reproduction of the body of anarchist theory is, borrowing a term for scientific analogy, endogamous, that is due to theoretical innovations and recognized authors aligned in a perfect formation of anarchist thought that have been selected over time and so universally recognized (at least within the boundaries of law are part of the anarchist circle) as belonging to the movement in the sharing of ethical conduct and practices which have developed gradually as discriminatory towards all that is external to it.
If this has preserved, in principle, a certain authenticity of thinking (purity can be an alternative term), reinforced by the underlying ethical model which the authors attributed to the lives of a theoretical input born and promoted through practical action, militant as a member, However, in my view, the closure has self harmed in the long run both internal key, as it has sclerotized a slavish reproduction of ideas, theoretical arguments, assumptions, analytical in the face of reality and historical material that has been causing earthquakes in the centuries, with a worrying reflection on the historical forms of organizational forms and models of real movements, both in the foreign key in the form of less attractive to potential new generations more and more permeable to new, more or less radical break with the past and in the form of contributions exist more or less radically innovative integrative potential of anarchism and anarchy in the body of theory as a real movement.
It is clear that the editor of the book from hand-held reader is inclined very brave to pre-read this text as one of the reasons for the discomfort and concern that animates the proposal emerging from the authors and essays collected here. Moreover, belonging, authenticity, purity, lumps are a concept denoting persistent institutionalization of any body of theory, up to graze the dogma laid down by an authority in charge of them: as far removed from a thought and a practice that recognize only a conceptual diagram and ethics within which to advance in reading more and mobile analytical thesis theoretical assumptions of social intervention strategies and political tactics, etc.. that make anarchism, even outdated, alien and hostile attitude against a static domain, but always relevant, responsive and usable than any dynamic of liberation and affirmation of equal-freedom, to incite, provoke and promote the second a move to pass over the circuit conflict exists.
So if the impasse also refers widespread anarchy, although not entirely, to a lack of theoretical anarchism whose way of thinking was formed in a given (ta) historical era that no longer exists or recoverable, if self-sufficiency This undermines the credibility of theoretical anarchism is a form of thought that is translated, albeit with numerous mediations, limping in organizational models and design for the utopia to be realized, and political, of conflict and suitable for the present, then it becomes necessary an excavation within the theoretical corpus for regenerative, integrating in-house, with the obligatory modifications and the appropriate adjustments, extra-territorial loans that are useful to revive the anarchist project is along the axis of the height of the critical capacity present, namely the analysis of this caught in its point of fracture by moving categories and models used to mo 'of tools to correctly read a historical time, both along the axis of the potential of building, ie the theoretical planning essential to nurture the experience and experiments in social anarchy in a place that offers itself as an extended diagram of equal and free society in the differences.

Salvo Vaccaro

God,
no thanks!

Many books on atheism have the salutary objective reasons not to believe, perhaps by accepting the sleight of hand of the priests of all religions which reverses the burden of proof ("If you deny the existence of god, you gotta try this your statement") , not taking it seriously as it deserves and demonstrating that yes, the evidence of the inexistence of god exist and are accessible to anyone who is willing to grant a minimum of credit to the most elementary scientific concepts learned in the classroom. This, for example, the case of the work of Vic Stenger, God. The Hypotesis Failed: How Science Shows That God Does Not Exist (Prometheus Books, 2007) in which the author verifies the claims that the major monotheistic religions make about the nature of their god. Just like you do with any scientific hypothesis, and how that is even more important, we all do with the hypotheses that we formulate all the time in everyday life. Obviously, these hypotheses to be falsified all end. Some of the simple practice of reasoning by strict laws of physics from other equally compelling.
The purpose of works of that kind is to show that belief in the gods - no matter what - is a choice that can only be accomplished from a primary condition of ignorance, and that can be maintained only as long as you remain ignorant. A choice, therefore, respectable in the abstract ("I respect your right to believe what you want") but not respected in practice ("I do not respect a belief patently false"): your right to believe in what you deserve respect, but respect for the content of your belief is not due in advance.
In addition to these studies there is another major strand of work that could be called studies of "political atheism", that focus so much on the issue of falsity of religious beliefs on the factors leading to their subjugation. Moreover, the very word "religion" carries with it the common root with "relegate" "bind," and those who try to write the word "obedience" on any search engine, you'll discover that most of the results to sites the religious content. The disciples, after all, are those who practice the discipline.
The Book of Giulio Giorello (Not god. The good use of atheism, Longanesi, Milan, 2010, pp. 229, € 15.00), in a sense, comes at a point between these two areas of study. In fact, while not avoiding to confront the question of the plausibility of the beliefs (and showing how the so-called "evidence" of the existence of God are doomed to fail when the reasoning is just a little 'tighter), this book seems to favor study the appearance of political beliefs and their effect on individual attitudes, rather than to want to submit a review of truth (or falsehood). But the faiths and religions, in fact, are not the main focus of this work. In fact, it is a book about atheism, so that the analysis of the religious phenomenon is the starting point to talk about its opposite.
It is not, however, acceptance of the paradigm - in part out, in part already threadbare in origin - according to which atheism, "denial-of-god", would in itself a doctrine that can only, in fact , to deny, to say no. Giorello, who does not share at all ashamed of this reading, is trying successfully to show the complex richness of atheistic thought, which is the formulation of a "methodological atheism" that gives full meaning to the noblest sense of individualism and that translates into 'imperative' no drop. "
Conscious of the fact that no "proof" could be given of god, Pascal offers his famous "wager" with the aim of showing that belief in God is a choice that is more advantageous than not to believe: I can not try on that God exists, but if you bet wrong not to believe it, because if God is your choice has been right, and if there is no god you will not have lost anything. Debatable (and debated), Pascal's wager. Whether by an atheist - what about "to believe, that goes bad, you loose nothing" - an assertion is not acceptable either by religion, because those who "believes" betting on the benefits do not really trust, not a believer . And certainly reject Giorello, because the bet, if you accept it, means that you agree to submit to "testing", thus agreeing to relinquish your individuality, contributing to the suppression of individuality "large scale" whose boundaries coincide to those of the spread of religions in the world. What is "testing" or not, submission is always submission. Submission policy, but also intellectual submission, rejection of the relativism that is so condemned by the popes and their associates, as harbinger (and see them well) disintegration, lack of unity, in short: to abandon the single thought.
The challenge of god, if we lose, it will not lose nothing, because to accept that we will lose, however, the exercise of critical thinking. Relativism is no less assured of absolute thought. Critical thinking has not, indeed, a definitive goal, so that the relativist is, like pirates of the ballad, "between the devil and the deep blue sea." The priests of all faiths fear relativism, because it is the universal acid that weakens the power. But perhaps we ourselves, who are not priests, we have reason to be afraid of relativism, because it can not expect that a few key points, among which the most important one, and it is a paradox that the fixed points of things to never put more doubt or debate, there are none. But as Martin Heidegger wrote - and as Giorello reminds us - "The fear of relativism is the fear of existing."

Persio Tincani

But for someone on April 25
was not the end

Among the many removals of the national memory at the end of World War II, a special oblivion was reserved in some ways, the years from '45 to '47, although a good history book will certainly be reported for the fundamental choice referendum on June 2, 1946, when the Italians took the republic despite the difference in votes on much, and the extraordinary work of drafting and adoption of the Constitution of 1947, the latter result, you will also find this in those hand, more of a compromise between the political forces of that time.
Marco Rossi, however, is not available, and those who are already familiar with its precise historical reconstruction is well aware, the "selective memory", so to speak. This is why we proposed in his essay, just reprinted, Ribelli senza congedo. Rivolte partigiane dopo la Liberazione 1945-1947 (Zero in Condotta, Milano, Milan, first edition 2009, second edition revised, corrected and enlarged, 2011, pp. 96, € 7.00) an angle perspective "unorthodox" in respect of that period.
Far from being reconciled, that national memory is divided fairly clear, even today, between two sides who can not find no peace and it was precisely in that fateful period (actually, on closer inspection there are more than two years) that many decided to strongly denounce this irreparable break, thinking even put his hand to arms. Whether or not the principle of the "Resistance betrayed," or the simple fact that there was a definite limit to the compromise to which I said, the fact remains that in those turbulent months the nodes seemed to come to a head, not just by cut rather than dissolve.
Draw attention to those events, or rather the set of events, rather interesting, contrasting markedly ideological and cultural "no ifs, ands or buts" in these years, our precisely, in which more shares There was breathless and we hastened to declare the disappearance of the political blocs preferring a strong orientation towards the removal of the same ideology at all costs in favor of a final reconciliation between the opposites, at least taught us one thing, namely that ' abandonment of history as a foundational and essential to a better understanding of the past, crushing the present, the waiver critical analysis and objectivity as possible in reconstructing the facts, become the most simple and effective way to delete events , however complex and contradictory, are the basis of our contemporary world and led to its evolution.
The agile book by Marco Rossi rummages in the drawers of the past closed too quickly, offering a reflection historiographically mature and compelling narrative style, around a two-year period instead regarded as constitutive of our republican history but from a different point of view. In short, April 25, 1945 had not actually ended, as the same date in time to be celebrating in some way he wanted to lay down, the clash between partisans and fascists, destined to last well beyond. In that short space of months he attended, in fact, in open challenge to the strategic line promoted by the Communist Party of Togliatti for the rapid consolidation of fractures and irreconcilable social and political practices, "world views" would almost say, to widespread regurgitation of what Smith calls the "rebellion" that "although a minority, involving thousands of volunteers in a spontaneous way," disappointed in purpose of social levied for which they had originally thought of having to fight. Many flocked to the lure of permanent revolt in the name of social liberation that had appeared since the early days, when even undermine widely rejected.
Remembering the past to better live the present, by contrast, is patient and sometimes exhausting exercise. But only so, critically discussing what it was, we can glimpse the future, preparing to live it as best as possible, building it, in a word, from a continuous questioning of what has gone before.
There was, in short, who decided to fight for a different fate from that of the political parties. In many cases it was a destiny of suffering and a loss of soul that is steeped in the atmosphere of a voiceless nation that has never succeeded, often to the cynicism and hypocrisy of apologists in bad faith and historical inattentive, to do really come to terms with fascism.

Mario Coglitore

poetry

Without leave

Resistance was not only
twenty years and a gun:
classmates hung
the poles of the street,
and too many crosses
without shroud of flags.

Resistance remained
over the years with my heart
then it is throwing
a bridge over the abyss
of envy, believe in man
free, by an act of love.

You give without asking anything:
the life,
because a child has not hungry.

Dante Strona
poet partisan from Biella