Occupations and evictions
in Bologna

The wretches are called Serafino D'Onofrio (a dirty southerner) and Valerio Monteventi (Bologna, but rugby player, communist and workers, in short, a guy). Their book red hat (Pendragon: 16 euros for 230 pages). Attention to the plural, ie "stories" of the subtitle: it is the "story" (singular) of Bologna through community centers, That almost never find the real names - although anyone who identifies frequent Bologna a lot - and there are no explanations or histories. In reviewing "red hat" in Bologna page, a chronicler of "l'Unitá" has debuted with a double quotes: "book of the buildings contraindicated for politicians who have never understood anything of the social centers." True ... in half. Because of the whole book shows that not to understand any of the social centers is the culture of productivity and respectable "picista" (now "pidduino") average. And to exorcise the monster invented everything, from (30 years ago) that circulate in there "soft drugs". It is a history of occupations, evictions (especially in August) and re-occupations of agreements betrayed (by government), the relentless campaigns (in the head even to say "Il Resto del Carlino", but also the newly-arrived "Republica" puts his) with a shortage of topics and breadth of information but lies and slander.
Articles already written before the events, the same today as 30 years ago. As often happens, the biggest lie ("to have stolen a city public space") is accompanied most glaring omission. Lie because those places were occupied 99 times out of 100 abandoned, sometimes for decades, and failure because 95 times out of 100 after the evictions anyone (public or private) has used those places that are naturally well-walled to prevent collective or individual have the temptation to use them. It's like this outside Bologna? Yes, almost everywhere. Administrations blind and liars from Forli to Milan, from Turin to Florence. It happens even outside Italy? Not always. There are cities (in Germany and the Netherlands, a little less but elsewhere too) where if girls / s - or even adults, old, immigrants or as I know - occupy a place abandoned and degraded, then go into town to tell their project, are administrators who listen to them, discuss, evaluate and then (in its many forms) establish conventions and / or provide funding. Sometimes the government would like to thank the occupants. How could he have done in '95, the then mayor of Bologna when he was "resurrected" by way Irnerio (downtown) the place to be called TPO, busy multi-purpose theater and still exists-r ... but in another place. Council who is passionate about possibly demented behavior of this story that read well, but you see the connections, runs from page 90 ("fear" in the face), page 113 (the emergency) the "red hat". All other events recounted here - from Beretta Red Island in Kant, Level 57, Crash (record evictions) in Vag-61 at XM24 (the only place in town where you can find organic food at affordable prices, ravaged by a police raid that took place .... "by mistake", namely "an exchange of house numbers," he says) and so on - have in common only the closure of institutions and the desire to look untamed spaces "not approved" for the rest stories are very different, some more political and other possibly tainted by snobbery. In the preface explains that the parties Valerio Evagelia social centers run a "fraternity", a "solidarity" (words out of fashion, right?) Hard to find elsewhere. This "common feeling" is even more amazing knowing that sometimes - sometimes for different policy choices or stupidity - in those social centimeter has fought fiercely to club or done ... "This is the true power of lasting solidarity community centers," concludes the Evangelists: "Go and explain to a former piccista now pidduino not understand a word"
PS (for those not from Bologna): And the anarchists? Well, have had their space and (for now?) no one touches it: a late claim "official" for their participation in the Resistance. But it is obvious that many people are libertarian area in these occupations. Just before the club's Berneri Atlantis. The right Bolognese many, even those who think they left, they decided to flood Atlantis as soon as possible but ... will be tough. This is a story of recent weeks that therefore "red hat" has not had time to tell a pity, because for years it is an interesting place for reflections on sexual and cultural practices for many good-subversive.

But how many Rosarno
are there in Italy?

How many Rosarno we expect? Many, unfortunately. This is confirmed by "The Rosarno of Italy" (Vallecchi) a good coverage of Stephanie Ragusa: "ordinary stories of injustice," adds the subtitle. A trip across Italy, even in places you would like to "unexpected" for the low penetration of organized crime. "Rosarno North '(5 stages)," Rosarno spread "(two steps, then explain the meaning of the definition), a painful" Rosarno South "(Victoria, the author's hometown) and ending with the" classical " (6 other stages). It begins with Milan, Padua and the way the media have long condemned without due process.
Symptomatic, in the closing chapter, the considerations of a person returned home after nearly 30 years: "I left Italy that was completely different, it was a free country. Now there are cameras everywhere, controls and bans everywhere: it is forbidden to beg, sit on benches, drinking beer and chatting on the street in the parks at night. The denunciation is encouraged, they invented and there are the military patrols on the street, as in Nicaragua under the dictatorship. To get a residence permit or a visa to expect months and months.
And this reminds me of Burma. Perhaps the change was gradual and you have had time to get used to but I'm upset. " Second stage of Trentino, where the word of mouth ensures that it's okay, high level of assurance. But here also grow harassment or worse that you would prefer not to see. Stephanie Ragusa decides to tell the exploitation of "nice" (the quotes are his) in the valley of porphyry but "kindness does not mean innocence." Next stop Zingonia doi Bergamo by the parties, a "utopia turned into a ghetto." Scary stuff but again, as elsewhere, the narrator tries to find small (and sometimes large) signs of hope and resistance from the sixteen year old Pakistani who plant flowers to Mary, who organized in self-cleaning. Here the natives did not follow the screams of the Northern League but Zingonia boasts its own sad record, "the first apartment seized in Italy due to the security package." Imola third stage, a place I know well because I live for almost 20 years.
Socialism, cooperatives, welfare and rights, "Rosarno view from here is very far in every sense." And yet ... Just a coop in the waste cycle, is the focus of a scandal that we try to stifle alarming sanitary conditions ", corporals and harassment, wage slave in a company whose 57.5% of the Hera Group is, in short public interest. On the "invasion" of China, the right won the elections in Prato. But the picture he paints Stephanie Ragusa is much more complex since Mayor Roberto Cenni- so anti-Chinese do not want the flags at half mast in the city following a bereavement - but "it is one of the pioneers and the first users of the relocation industry in China." There's also that in Roberto Saviano "Gomorra", without the shred of proof, amplifies the legend of "the Chinese never die": in Prato, as elsewhere, the daughters have not forgiven.
The "spread Rosarno" hypocritically called Cie are the places (and the first CPT) and institutional fraud like the last amnesty. Of course it is "biased" the author: why anti-racist and then, as he says, because "my life partner was the third person" in the detention center of Turin after many years' prefer not to return to Turin: What has seen and heard in a month and a half of imprisonment continues to make him too badly. "
Point out, for his almost Shakespearean irony, the words of an exiled Algerian court declares to come from the moon. "But in what country?" The judge asked, thinking of a homonym. And he answers: "in heaven, your honor. Do I have to come from the moon because you continue to treat me like an alien. " The next chapter with the dramatic story of the protests "on the crane," in Milan and Brescia. "
The step-Rosarno in Victoria was the most difficult part of my journey," writes Stephanie Ragusa. But just as shocked and grief assails those who are probably of Roman origin and is read what happens to the "Invisible Indians" of the Pontine Marshes, a stone's throw from the beaches of the rich. The next stop is at Carseldine, province of L'Aquila, in a company where even the toilets are separate, "it says on that of whites," prohibition of entry for Indians". A story that at least in part has a happy ending, the courage to show that (immigrants) and commitment (anti-racist people) often pay. Unknown, "almost nonexistent on the maps," is St. Nicholas in the Piana del Sele Varco. Or the little Palazzo San Gervasio in Basilicata and Puglia. Stephanie Ragusa's journey reveals a mixture of backwardness and modernity as the interweaving between legal and criminal characterizes now large areas of Italy ... and not only in the South.
The stage provides a massacre in Castel Volturno (September 18, 2008) but also a mayor, Antonio Scalzone, who accused the Comboni missionaries to attract the territory "prostitutes, drug dealers and criminals of every stripe." In the chapter on Cassibile meets a secretary of the Democratic Party that speaks like the Northern League. They have to know about Stephanie Ragusa, when necessary, comment in a clear and simple. To make it clear that the repression of migrants as we are concerned does not resort to empty slogans or even sacred call to solidarity. Instead, it explains: "The migrants are the" place "where they are now experienced the repressive policies that will inform the future definitely and have already made this difficult: the end of the guarantees, the end of the welfare state, the end of union protections." Who does not see is blind. "Racism is not irrational or ignorant as often we tend to believe. Perhaps it is such a popular level, but when he leaves the bar and the concierge and sits in the institutions it serves a purpose: to distract, divide, weaken "(p. 19).
And later, about the "illegal", remember that you end up in the CIE-CPT in the absence of a criminal conviction but for an administrative offense: "In a country where the false accounting was decriminalized and serial tax evaders and fraudsters - ensure their widespread and insidious thieves - are perceived as people of the world, the absence of a document, do not get killed, robbed or conspired against the State, but the mere absence of a permit - that is ordinary streets, among other almost impossible to achieve - is transformed into the most serious crimes, punishable by 6 months in a camp of annihilation and the subsequent ban on Europe for 10 years. "Words written before that the EU warn Italy that these choices are not compatible with the rights guaranteed.

Daniele Barbieri

Problems and prospects
of the anarchist movement

It is hard to deny the importance, from a purely historical point of view and with theoretical codelliana interpretation of the anarchist movement that emerges with great clarity by the wise anarchists. A brief introduction (Edizioni La Barona, Lugano, 2009). After explaining the main aspects of anarcho-communism, the platformism, anarchic individualism, libertarian pedagogy, primitivism, anarcho-syndicalism and libertarian municipalism, the author turns his attention to the limits of anarcho- capitalism which, while claiming a radical liberalism, on the other hand supports an unrestricted capitalism thus legitimizing "the inequalities and violence, and this system" (page 52). Of similar importance is the reflection of the author in relation to youth libertarians movements who claim a genuine anti-authoritarianism is reflected in the squatter movement that, through struggles for the empty houses and their reuse for purposes of political culture, promote a form of struggle of major importance, even the anarcho-punk anarchy interpret peace and equality with a view to highlighting the central themes of animal rights, feminist and pacifist. A similar survey, the author gives the Culture Jamming whose activists engaged in anti-capitalist culture jamming refined through hours of merciless criticism of cultural codes that underlie the current system of power now through counterfeiting advertising that is expressed in altering the original texts "with the objective of diverting potential of seduction to purposes other than those provided for" (page 56). Regarding the electronic disobedience movement hackers play a role of utmost importance because, thanks to their work, demystifying the credibility of the system. Very interesting, especially the implications had during the G8 Genoa, is the voice that the author dedicates his book to the Black Bloc. After indicating the main operational terms antagonistic implementing the black block ("marching in lock, look for the head to head, with makeshift barricades building, use of vandalism and destruction of symbols of capitalism" page 60), the author points out despite generally be described as anarchic setting, rather than their actions constitute a real threat to the capitalist system actually represent phenomena in themselves. Undoubtedly, the original is the item entitled "Anarchism and Parecon" radical American economist dedicated to reflection Michael Albert has had the merit theorizing that participatory economics is "a different model of how to organize the production, consumption and allocation Its values are solidarity, diversity, equity and self-management. (...)". ... Concretely, the American economist proposes alternatives to existing institutions such as the formation of workers' councils with decision-making power of self-management.
A special mention must be the voice Lifestyle anarchism anarchist individualism, which historically was the American advance, and this approach to reality does not promote a revolutionary attitude but he sees in the secession from the existing society the only way to create a concrete alternative reality beyond the requirements of the authoritarian system "resistance against the powers that be at the same time creating an alternative set of values: free love in the place of marriage, the common replacement of family, self-management and associationism instead of capitalist production" (page 65). This way of working in reality can only enhance the individual and his freedom. Where, instead, the author expresses it openly critical stance toward anarchism after the traditional boundaries of which are easily traceable in the purely intellectual approach of this "is a theoretical reflection that has found its frame of reference, especially within British and U.S. universities reveals two striking limitations. The first concerns the limited and partial sources, as well as divorced from historical context and motivation that have often been written that use these intellectuals, such as neglecting the contributions significant writers such as Proudhon, etc. (...). The second also highlights the essentially intellectual of these considerations, that is, divorced from a context of individual actions and practices of large groups of protesters "(page 69). This criticism is particularly significant because the author alludes to the enormous potential expressed by the anti-globalization movement. In terms of the main themes that have animated features, the anarchist movement of the century, there is no doubt that the militarism to which we must oppose a firm and decisive critical time to emphasize how the use the military instrument is in the context of political in the context of internal and foreign policy is entirely analogous to reject the union between the military and industrial power, a critical move is as radical as the anarchist movement in psychology that is the military hierarchy, the dominance and submission with which the military logic lead. Also to counter militarism, the anarchist movement historically made use of operational tools such as a boycott "that requires the individual to mobilize, drew the limit, to engage in counter-information campaign to support a given" and sabotage that "seeks to prevent by various means that a service can work "(pages 78-79). Echoing the thoughts of the French philosopher Foucault also, the author points out that the prison system should be completely rejected because it "transforms humans show, change the criminal act in criminal behavior through a school of institutionalized and total violence" (page 84). The only truly viable alternative to the author and the institution of figures such as the mediator can help the recipients of the prison system to gain awareness and thereby to overcome their problems independently. One of the most controversial in the context of anarchist thought, was undoubtedly his relationship with the Marxist theory against which, the author points out in a meaningful way, the main exponents of the anarchist movement have denounced "strongly essentially authoritarian Marxism and the communist parties "(page 88) shows clearly that the objective of communism and that the conquest of power. From this point of view, the anarchist intellectuals revealed as the achievement of hegemony of Marxist cultural policy has not presented anything but a transition from one form to another domain or more precisely a form of traditional domain of a technical and bureaucratic form of domination.
Equally lucid and decisive is the analysis that the author makes against the limits of parliamentary democracy, the limits that emerge at the very moment in which political parties operate a sophisticated manipulation of public opinion through the media that the possibility of emptying by citizens to achieve truly effective decision-making power, on the contrary, direct democracy "shows the central role in meeting the time down to the smallest levels of aggregation, states that the delegation is revocable at any time (...). This form of democracy requires that they are guaranteed to work for a large number of other conditions, and especially a different availability of time for them to express a genuine and comprehensive participation "(page 94). For this Codello detects the important work of the founder of Bookchin's social ecology and libertarian municipalism. Just the reflection of this author, to whom the author reserves several times its volume estimation considerations, the voice behind libertarian federalism. In the context of anarchist thought is synonymous with self-management, federalism and pluralism, and must ensure the development of a "voluntary organization is totally non-coercive (...)".
Of course, the realization of such an ambitious goal that involves the use of gradualism does not constitute a waiver profoundly revolutionary ideals of the anarchist movement but rather is an acknowledgment of the complexity of reality and above all is the realization that the revolution is a revolt enduring purpose to destroy all those who want power systems crystallize the individual's life. In this regard, it is clear that in the context of the anarchist movement in the context of history of anarchist thought, the main enemy was represented by the state whose main characteristic is to implement "a merger of the strength of a minority of individuals who the exercise by the institutions (...)". However, the State is also an unconscious dimension, ie is a way of thinking that has emerged over the centuries to the point of simply believing the irrational assumptions to build a society without a state.

Giuseppe Gagliano

Anarchists
and politics

It came out of the new book by Stefano d’Errico, Il socialismo libertario ed umanista oggi fra politica ed antipolitica. Attualità della revisione berneriana del pensiero anarchico - The libertarian socialist and humanist and anti-politics of politics today. Current revision berneriana of anarchist thought. (Mimesis Edizioni, Milano, 2011,pp. 369 euro 24). We publish here an excerpt from the preface of Giampietro Berti..

In theory of anarchism-historical debate the issue of the Political is the focus of the whole discussion on the power. For over a century anarchists debate the issue, but so far have not outlined a potentially powerful thought and action that can adequately address this step. The main reason for this impasse lies in the fact that the "traditional" anarchism has already been answered, which is always the same: the revolutionary transformation will make the problem redundant. Yet the Spanish experience of 1936-37 showed that a social revolution is the negation of politics, but not the power (understood in its pure state, as the ratio of forces). It has also demonstrated that the social revolution does not in itself resolve itself. The policy is unsurpassed, especially if there is a sign of spontaneous revolutionary situation, where the clear expression of power insist on the balance of forces seems to render superfluous the latent Unexpressionism policy. And this is demonstrated that the size of the spontaneous social can not absorb and overcome the need for a general direction of motion emancipator. (...)
Entering into the substance of practical proposals by Berneri, d'Errico identifies the minimum program, designed to outline a summary of Soviet and eclectic communalism, through the activation of municipal assemblies, professional unions. In the Italian case - we are in the mid-thirties - was the specific area of the municipal and federal, a debate, the latter, which paved the way concerning the relationship between freedom and authority in the light of a possible revolution in the key not only anti-fascist, but also anti-Communist. It followed, of course, the difficulty of acting in libertarian anti-fascist. In this regard, the anarchist from Lodi summarizing the problem of strategy with respect to relations with the Communists, noting that the opposition will be "between despotic centralizing communism or Liberal socialism federalist."
The political forces related to the anarchist movement had to be evaluated on the basis of this discriminant, as he passed on the second floor between reformism and revolutionary spirit. Therefore in the struggle against the regime of Mussolini anarchists could find understanding with the formation of Socialist Liberal Giustizia e Libertá - though moderate - but certainly not with the followers of Stalin. And not just because they were carriers of an authoritarian and dictatorial socialism, but also because their actions were based on a grossly classist conception of social transformation. We descended the following consideration deeply anti-demagogic: that the masses are to determine the social transformation, but the revolutionary minority to which is assigned the heroic task because "the genius of the revolution is not the genius of majorities, but of proactive minorities." Therefore it was wrong to shut themselves up "in a gradualist or deterministic conception of history, where there was room for the boldness of thought or action, the individual and of the few." The masses, therefore, could not overthrow fascism could only do minorities revolutionary placed the supreme sacrifice. Referring to Italy, Berneri wrote: "without a few hundred men willing to die, the system will be left standing. The prophecies of an approaching end is absurd. ".
A questo proposito l’anarchico lodigiano sintetizzava il problema della strategia rispetto ai rapporti con i comunisti, osservando che l’antitesi sarà «tra comunismo dispotico centralizzatore o socialismo federalista liberale». Le forze politiche affini al movimento anarchico dovevano essere valutate sulla base di questa discriminante, mentre passava in secondo piano quella tra riformismo e rivoluzionarismo. Pertanto nella lotta contro il regime di Mussolini gli anarchici potevano trovare intese con la formazione socialista liberale di Giustizia e Libertà – anche se moderata –, ma sicuramente non con i seguaci di Stalin. E non soltanto perché questi ultimi erano portatori di un socialismo autoritario e dittatoriale, ma anche perché fondavano la loro azione su una concezione grossolanamente classista della trasformazione sociale. Ne discendeva la seguente considerazione profondamente antidemagogica: che non sono le masse a determinare la trasformazione sociale, bensì le minoranze rivoluzionarie a cui è assegnato un compito eroico perché «il genio della rivoluzione non è genio di maggioranze, ma di minoranze fattive». Di conseguenza era sbagliato rinchiudersi «in una determinista o gradualista concezione storica, nella quale non ci [fosse] posto per l’audacia, del pensiero o dell’azione, del singolo e dei pochi». Le masse, dunque, non potevano rovesciare il fascismo; potevano farlo solo le minoranze rivoluzionarie disposte al supremo sacrificio. Riferendosi all’Italia, Berneri scriveva: «senza qualche centinaio di uomini disposti a morire, il regime resterà in piedi. Le profezie di una fine prossima sono assurde».
After all, if minorities were crucial agents in the fight against fascism, then it was just as important to overcome any concept class and work of social transformation, even more decisive was the overcoming of the populist demagoguery that permeated in various ways, all the ' left-wing ideology - socialism, communism, anarchism - about the active role of the proletarian masses, above all, it was necessary to abandon the socialist perspective about the centrality of the revolutionary working class as a critical player in the social transformation.
This gives rise to an objective strategic convergence with the forces of liberal-designed, once again, according to a pluralist mode and empirical, designed to involve all those who were interested in changing society, according to an operation conducted on several levels and with the goal a common base with which to recognize. Even in this case the assessments are addressed d'Errico to understand in what sense can be drawn from this context historically defined a strategy useful for the present, judgments and estimates that are interwoven with the current debate.
Stefano D'Errico highlights further aspects of Berneri program. In addition to the City, the workers' councils and farmers, the technical structures of the union, wherever pivoting on an autonomous federal state in what sense Berneri thought emphasizes an integration of political society with civil society, to absorb the former into the latter. Within this framework, it became obviously impossible to address the prevalence of a single statement. Therefore had a liberal economy and a socialist economy to coexist, without conceding anything to demagogic forms of welfare parasites, given that socialism had failed, however, to develop a real and credible theory of socialization.
It is configured so the maintenance of small properties, with the consequent impediment of forced requisitions of the city to the countryside, opening, despite the industrialist myth, an address ruralist (though not in contrast with the industrial development). The program also provided for the reasonable settlement of the transition between a concept of fun working with the discipline imposed by the needs rationalizing, opposing, with the demand for a new ethics meant to give dignity to the figure of the worker, the Taylorist mass production, is utopia of total labor and fatigue. It is evident that all this meant, for Berneri, the full vindication of anarchism and socialism, a humanist. Declared that 'anarchism has emerged as a socialist current in each country and how the proletarian movement. But humanism has emerged as a concern individualist anarchism to ensure the development of personality and understanding how, in a sign of social emancipation of all classes, all classes, ie all humanity. "
Stefano D'Errico, through the analysis of Berneri thought, acknowledges to me that anarchism is one of the great political solutions of modernity and therefore it is necessary to insist on the theoretical perspective and practice of anarchist political science. And he's right, because this is the decisive issue.

Giampietro Berti

Death in Rome.
The Verbano case

The murder of Valerio Verbano was one of the most chilling scene, and perhaps worthy of a movie A Clockwork Orange, the neo-fascist terror in Rome.
It's almost one o'clock in February 22, 1980. Valerio's family is about to meet for lunch in the home of Montesacro neighborhood. Sardo's father, an employee of a Ministry, member of the PCI and Carla's mother, a nurse, have already returned home. Someone knocks on the door but not the child is too early yet at Archimede, the high school in the area attending. Valerio's friends say they are but they are not. Three young men with ski masks and two guns fell on his face burst into the house.
Bind and gag her parents. Rummaging in the room, take the camera of the young, seeking without finding, the dossier on the neo-fascism in Rome that he had formed with his comrades of the Autonomous Collective.
He spent nearly an hour. The parents hope that, for whatever reason, Valerio did not return home. But Valerio back, the three as it enters the attack, the victim reacts, there is a violent confrontation in which the entrance mirror is shattered.
Valerio manages to grab the hand that wields a 7.65 caliber pistol silenced. But one of the other, his own age or a little more, kills him with a 38-caliber shot.
The killers fled, leaving the apartment to 7.65, a skull cap and a balaclava and a large dog collar with a metal chain that certainly had to tighten the neck of young self to humiliate him, question him and "make him talk."
The story of this murder, one of those outstanding season of blood in Rome between 1977 and 1980, is told in a book recently published by Valerio Lazzaretti Odradek.
The book not only tells the story of Valerio Verbano, his family, his friends and his enemies, but reconstructs the shape of an actual essay, the dynamics and bloody episodes that have marked nearly every day, extreme right-wing Roman life in those years and beyond, and while that of groups opposed to the left, according to the scheme-retaliatory violence-violence: a scheme facilitated by the control, non-existent in other cities, each of the two parts of almost entire neighborhoods from which to start shipments of attack.
No quote is used at second hand, any incident is the subject of self-censorship, to name a death, a few months before, another student of Archimede, another eighteen year old, Stephen Cecchetti killed in gun shots and become a "target" just because he stopped in front of a bar near his home attended by "fascists".

You feel the hand of the archivist in the text, the profession of Lazzaretti, which gives a detailed interrogation, expert opinions, in addition to evidence gathered flyers personally to build up, recounting the death of Valerio, a complete history of the far right in his Roman crib, who until now was missing or was entrusted to journalists improvised writers.
Over the years, investigations have been launched, closed, reopened, and even archived.
But the historical truth, beyond the processes that are not facts, is in the book.
At the right end of the 70 young Roman was trying to "break free" from the old right-wing military coup-order model of creating new acronyms (Costruiamo l’Azione, Terza Posizione) for disguise and take root in schools and neighborhoods in the terminology used "revolutionary" and anti-system, neither capitalism nor Marxism, third position precisely.
On an operational level, in competition with the left-wing terrorism, the new neo-fascists had raised the level of confrontation, hitting the state, the first ally, and killing policemen and magistrates.
The strategy for growth was that of "spontaneous armed", thanks to which the NAR, the strongest military component, not presented as a centralized organization but as a simple code available, an archipelago fluid groups, almost equal to Al Qaeda today, they could freely use the name of NAR.
This strategy also allowed to repair itself, with its "liquidity" from the investigation, a component of the NAR at the beginning of 1979 had even offered a truce to the far left, proposing to end the war between "revolutionary" and fight in harmony by two sides attacking the "system": a proposal but not collected is the key to the murder Verbano.
Lazzaretti, in addition to the unusually sparse statements of regret right, remember that the leaflet was signed authentic claim NAR-Command Thor, a subgroup then, exalted and challenged by the hammer Viking gods who had hit a Marxist "little worm".
But to claim the flyers in the world of NAR were not directed so much to rally support on the outside but were a sort of "internal communication" between its various components.
In fact, analyzing Lazzaretti, the claim follows immediately, and would have been unthinkable in the organizations of the left-wing terrorism, another flyer signed NAR, written by Valerio Fioravanti, entitled "NAR: Clarification" with which he distances himself from those who lingers "shoot compagnetti" to gain prestige among his comrades, not realizing that the time has come instead of hitting the "system" and his servants.
"Internal debate" then.
In fact a few months later, on 23.6.1980 the 'revolutionary' component of NAR kills, while waiting for the bus alone and without escort the Examining Magistrate Mario Amato, who alone was rebuilding with its investigations, the geography of the Roman right subversive.
Alone because, remember, and the book explains it well, in those less than 4 months magistrates were investigating match-fixing while Mario Amato, left alone, had asked in vain, even in a hearing in the MSM a few months before his death, which the leaders of the Roman judicial offices to work alongside him and some colleagues gave him the means to address or at least groped to contain the phenomenon of right-wing terrorism in the city.
With certainty, and the book explains in a convincing way, the authors of Valerio Verbano then belonged to a small group, side, and looking for an easy approval in the NAR archipelago.
A group that tried to be accredited and whose sub-theme "Command Thor" how did it immediately disappeared.
In 2010, 30 years after the death of Judge Amato, on the basis of identikit more precise and more focused research in the direction indicated also by the book, the Public Prosecutor of Rome has reopened the investigation into the murder of Valerio Verbano registering some ex-militants NAR under investigation.
But the wire is thin because improvidently destroyed in 1989 were the findings, the ski mask and skull, left by the murderers in the house of Verbano.
Findings that highlight the techniques of genetic profile, for which even a single hair is more than enough, they could have today, as recent surveys tell us, give a face to the wearer in a circle, still quite restricted, NAR linked to neo-fascists.
Finally a reflection, even if someone does not like it.
Missing perhaps, but not in the book edited by the Editor in the preface, a distancing is not human, that is, compared to the victim, but political history than the years of civil war between the twenties: the death of Verbano fact does not transform militancy in his own world, which in turn did not disdain the use of guns and explosives, into something where we can recognize.
Not because it was "extremist" but because in the Italy of 1980, the danger now gone down with it the coup and rejected options insurgency, terrorist, but the practice is not properly based, however, in neighborhoods and schools, on the spiral of retaliatory violence-violence-was become a ritual self-generated.
A practice unable to start any political change and human, even libertarian, social environment surrounding that move away from the heart of the city. Had now degenerated into a "private war", but harmless for the Power is certainly not for his victims.
With the result, says Duccio, a friend of Valerio, in testimony collected by the author quoted in the book, to see their classmates, no matter what the "people, faces I knew who are now dead people belong in the old posters. "
And their killers go unpunished and, and perhaps even worse, without a name.

Guido Salvini
judge of the Tribunale di Milano