On May 12, 1977 was expected in Rome an event like another, despite the then Interior Minister Cossiga had banned public meetings, was neither the first nor the last event that would contravene these rules. That day was killed a young radical, or one belonging to a moderate organization. She was "fired" at the back while fleeing from a charge of law enforcement. Immediately denounced the move that many shots were fired and that all came from middle-class people located within the deployment of security forces.
Cossiga denied this possibility and declared that the girl had been killed by a stray bullet fired by a protester. A double lie that indicating an increased tension as military presence not found among the demonstrators scenarios and anticipating what a little later would have been sadly put into practice.
The next day they were published some pictures that showed a young man with a knapsack and gun that was moving, speaking, among the ranks of law enforcement. The parliament asked for clarifications and although it was unofficially recognized the person in the picture and its role in law enforcement Cossiga continued to deny the use of undercover agents that day.
But the 'Emeritus' was like that.
During the Moro case
I do not remember if it was made to resign, but surely he was awarded in 1979 when he was President of the Council. Great! It was he who organized the working group that would coordinate research of Aldo Moro kidnapped by the Red Brigades. A select group made up of several different subjects relating to military and state branches and with various skills, but almost all related to the P2 (we discovered later), a group whose work, contradicting all the rules were never formally recorded, a group that instead of acting for competence, efficiency and secrecy at the Ministry of the Interior, was allocated in the Ministry of the Navy where, almost certainly by accident, in that same period (and only for that period) Licio Gelli had free access (Licio Gelli was the animator of the lodge P2, involved in numerous events related to the massacres and in general to control the military-media coup of the country).
It was he who set, or at least approved, the military search of the kidnappers. So, like many old Romans remember, all roads were full of police of all kinds, soldiers with weapons and armor. Searches, detentions, checkpoints and physical pressure on the movement of all citizens: a big "theater", as he would say to Camilleri’s Montalbano, made to distract the population while the kidnappers and the interests they guaranteed continued to operate in maximum tranquility.
Derailing Activities
His behavior can be interpreted as that of a servant or deficient that are beyond statements confidential, or an effective contributor to the Atlantic project, or a user of information for their own purposes (in mafia-style language, and behavioral). However with his actions he sent a negative political life of our country, has contributed to a climate of social unrest, of secret plots and powers coups, with its argument hurt the families of the victims of the massacres, the judges, prosecutors and all those who sought to know the truth of the profound betrayal mystified not implemented to the community, the movement that advocated alternatives.
Yet a character like this, which should have been banned from every country, even if only in order not to respond to the democratic rules of democracy, entrusted with the main operational roles and representation, and has enjoyed an incredible complacency.
In this relationship with the parliamentary left have been robust. If in 1977 and its strategy of military confrontation with the movement supported by the then Interior Minister Cossiga was actually approved by PCI, as is the line of not negotiating with the kidnappers of Aldo Moro in 1979 and if he became President of the Republic with the votes of the Left, Cossiga was precisely to allow only government in more than sixty years of democracy with the head of government of a communist or former communist.
The Parliamentary left (or the vast majority of it) is clearly identified in him the respect of constitutional and democratic values to which it is constantly appealed. And this has enabled the country to tolerate longer and deeper than any reasonable measure the expressions of Cossiga and not to proceed against the same for the responsibilities that had in enslaving beyond its mandate, the choices of the country to its conduct and those who carried his interest.
Many of the things done by the 'Emeritus' are now completed and soon will weigh on our future, but the long shadow of his actions will certainly still affect the proactive approach of the parliamentary left, unable, even in time, to clarify what has happened in our own country to have too often used his silence in order to obtain political results, becoming de facto complice. And this is a mortgage, perhaps more than specific cultural policy, which still confounds the possibility of social alternatives.