In the book Il segreto di piazza Fontana - The Secret of the Piazza Fontana (Ponte alle Grazie, Milan, 2009, pp. 700, € 19.80), Paolo Cucchiarelli traces the criminal plot now known to history as a "strategy of tension ', which culminated in the massacre Piazza Fontana on 12 dicembre1969. It says, with ample documentation, intelligence officers official and "deviant" (?), Foreign and domestic sectors of the Carabinieri and the Police, the fascist Ordine Nuovo, National Vanguard, the Rose of the Winds, the New Republic , the Ring, the Gladio, the Aginter press of Guerin Serac, Stay Behind, the Ministry of Internal Affairs Bureau and the infamous confidential pieces of the judiciary, generals, colonels, real and alleged, Greek officials, the CIA, Mossad , NATO ... plus a plethora of fixers and spies of every stripe. It tells the machine to cause tension and fear with bombings and massacres attributed to the left and then there is said of the frenzied activity of misdirection, disinformation, bribery of witnesses, real evidence of concealment and fabrication of false evidence, follow the substantial failure of 'operation, which in the welter of investigations and court proceedings triggered by the mother of all the carnage was to end with the substantial impunity of those responsible.
The documentation that comes from the pleadings, interviews, news from the press at the time, investigations already published, as well as other "sources" and not identified, it is very rich and ample space in the 700-page volume.
Within this extensive reconstruction, the author introduces his version of the material on the dynamics of the attacks, both of those on trains in August 1969 as well as those of December 12 in Milan and Rome, and that's where you lose.
The rigor of interpretation always leaves more room for speculation and conjecture, situations and even the personalities characters are largely imagined. The clues are made to converge and become evidence in justifying the hypothesis. The demonstration becomes a theorem and, as often happens, the researcher does get carried away by the argument that wants to prove it and is trapped. Unfortunately the version of Cucchiarelli is proposed as a hypothesis but as a statement, the subtitle of the book it states: "At last the truth about the massacre: the twin bombs and hidden bombs, Pinelli, Calabresi, Feltrinelli, services and diverted those parallel, the DC, the PCI, NATO and the United States. The tragic and shocking story of Pasticciaccio that ill Italy. ".
The new version is to imagine that the anarchists, they were real or brainwashed, but organized attacks while laying their weapons demonstration were joined without their knowledge by challenging and deadly killers who planted the bomb. Thus we find the double bags, dual bombs, double attack, double cab with its double Valpreda, two doubles and so on. According to the author of the new impersonator Pietro Valpreda would be Claudio Orsi. By the way, Valpreda Was a man of medium height, medium build, average hair disheveled, a little 'balding, no particular sign, average accent from Milan. Milan out of a hundred of similar age, who Could Be His double? A good percentage.
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“A” n. 2, March 1971 |
In the book, almost all anarchists are polluted by infiltrators and provocateurs, while the few good and naive, of course, represented by Giuseppe Pinelli, try to prevent attacks and warped by bad companions, however, fall into traps based on trafficking of explosives. A prey to be hidden games are not just anarchists, but much larger areas of the rebel left in fact we already know that the clashes of Valle Giulia in Rome in March 1968 were actually driven by neo-Nazis, who Giangiacomo Feltrinelli ( as well as the spouses Corradini) was unmanned by Giovanni Ventura, that the same Ventura was the real inspiration for the book La Strage di Stato - The State Massacre of 1970 and so on.
Cucchiarelli, it is not clear on what basis, is convinced that the environments then anarchists and left were a jumble of infiltrators, provocateurs disguised as fascists and especially "nazimaoisti. The category of text nazimaoisti pervades them almost obsessively, just a phrase for all p. 318: "And then in Milan there was mingling with the Maoists and groups who pollute the nazimaoisti anarchists and Marxist-Leninists." I wonder where he saw all this.
It is clear that the group's March 22 Valpreda and Mario Merlino is the author of a more or less generalizable to the entire extra-parliamentary left then. The March 22 was not an example of rigorous political group, it was a newborn, with no role in the movement, cobbled together by Valpreda from a former fascist (also stated) an undercover cop, an informant of Sid, a group of boys or even just over twenty years. A group so dilapidated as to be unreliable as the subject of provocation, such as demonstrating the historical failure of the whole operation Piazza Fontana.
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“A” n. 7, October 1971 |
The triangle of diversions
In search of the guilty party so Cucchiarelli starts on the wrong foot and on her way to an unlikely truth stumbles several times. Countless are the phrases, statements and inferences free in various parts of the text, so to argue that all it would take another book.
Only some of these setbacks would like to clarify here, for the sake of historical truth but also because they concern many of us.
• The so-called "nazimaoisti" have never been part of the real history of that period, let alone the anarchist circles. Occurred in rare cases, years before, with some posters. In those few cases, everyone knew who it was and had no credibility. Nazimaoisti, fake Chinese and similar were then some 'popular in the Veneto, but also according to what he writes Cucchiarelli, acted mostly on his own and with poor results as a successful infiltration. There is, indeed, the case of Gianfranco Bertoli, who in 1973 accomplished the massacre at the police headquarters in Milan, who attended as anarchists and fascists, he put a bomb, but then he acted like a nineteenth-century individualist anarchist, became a life sentence, never spoke and ended up in drugs. It was a tragic character in some ways, was really a mystery, as well as recognizing the same Cucchiarelli.
Commercio hotel in Milan, occupied, the nazimaoisti were not there. In Milan, the only "bad apples" of relief that he attended the Ponte della Ghisolfa was Enrico Rovelli not an infiltrate but an anarchist then went to pay interest to the police office and private affairs.
• In Milan, many knew that Nino Sottosanti (never said nazimaoista) was a fascist who was sleeping in the former headquarters of the New Republic and was a type from which to stay away. He was a friend of Tito Pulsinelli which provided an alibi. As for his role as double, it seems at least unwise to take as double a person known to all in the environment in which to operate and is familiar to one who has to "replace."
Now we see other things that do not fit.
• On p. 47, the press conference on 17 December after the massacre was organized by militants Ponte della Ghisolfa, the main circle, as was obvious (this writer was present). There was no hiding of Friends of Pinelli or there were "screeching" or "abyss ways of doing politics with fellow Scaldasole," because the Scaldasole club was run by anarchists of Ponte della Ghisolfa that will let management in 1972 to other anarchist groups. Pinelli's friends were all in attendance (myself, Amedeo Bertolo, Ivan Guarnieri, Luciano Lanza, Antonella Frediani, Vincenzo Nardella, Umberto Del Grande, Gianni Bertolo and others). Joe Fallisi, the witness referred by Cucchiarelli also present, it is obviously been betrayed by memory. Moreover, the "old management" of which spoken Cucchiarelli had an average of 25 years! Only Pinelli had 41. In the press conference it is not said rather than done in this difficult time, a courageous and politically irreproachablechoice: to the surprise of journalists, anarchists did not distanced themselves from Valpreda, despite the not good relationship, and denounced as a principal of killing the not 'fascists', as agreed to the left print, but the state.
• On p. 138 Cucchiarelli shows us the "triangle of screening": "The secret of the massacre has endured for so many years enjoying the silence of all stakeholders: state, fascists and anarchists. These were to exonerate Valpreda and vindicate the innocence of Pino Pinelli. We were made to pull in and now the situation did not leave any escape political difficulty has been shown in court their good faith did not want to cause deaths. From a legal point of view the involvement of anarchists to the story would have been at least a competition in the massacre. " What anarchists had been taken away in good faith? Out of the names Cucchiarelli, because here you charges of complicity in the massacre. But names Cucchiarelli can not do and so much slanderous accusations as generic.
•On p. 183 we read that as "... reveals a qualified source of right, that of course, does not want to be quoted ..." Valpreda took the inexplicable taxi "because someone had simply said he had to take a taxi. They gave him 50,000 liras and the dancer does not put some of the why "(as the author Valpreda had to take a taxi from the taxi driver to be noticed). Here the matter becomes serious: the first one can not cite sources remain anonymous, however, qualified, and secondly, this is one of many passages in which Valpreda (usually called "the dancer") is described as a poor man, a fanatic laughingstock of anyone, an ignorant ready for everything for 50,000 lire. I knew him well Valpreda, at that time was certainly out of line and his character was certainly a bit 'funny' guy (and for this was chosen as the sacrificial victim), but it was neither ignorant nor stupid, it was certainly sharp, had a good library and provided a good culture, and as we know then published several books. Do not forget that the "dancer", with all that you can criticize him, he found himself trapped overnight in atrocious accusation, treated like an animal in the press (The Fury of the human beast, Il Corriere information of 17 December), taking forty days in solitary confinement and interrogated hundreds of times, subjected to physical and psychological pressure that we can only imagine, threatened with disgrace and imprisonment. But the "dancer" has held up, it has done three years in prison, did not budge to blackmail, did not accuse anyone or has renounced his ideas, does not appear from the file that is never compromised.
• On p. 228 the author could have made clear that the press campaign of struggle against the commissioner Luigi Calabresi was a fact not free. The campaign aimed to persuade the Commissioner to file a lawsuit against the newspaper. Judge Giovanni Caizzi had indicated that the investigation into the death of Pinelli was also being closed and only a lawsuit by a public official lawsuit, which provided power to the test, would allow a new trial. The attacks became so fierce because the newspaper Calabresi delayed to sue (as well as in the book, according to his wife Gemma was the ministry to oppose the lawsuit along )(*).
• On p. 245 Cucchiarelli insists at length with bold speculation about the mysterious case of Paolo Erda, cited by Pinelli in his interrogation but never tracked down or heard by anyone and even by the same author, who has long sought news, up to point out that "Ivan and Paolo Erda is contained anagram name Valpreda. Erda was just the nickname of a young anarchist named Paolo who has a completely different name, that's all. Today is halfway between fifty and sixty years.
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“A” n. 79, December 1979-January 1980 |
But what anarcho-fascists?
But here is another important consideration in the text makes reference to the long false statements and / or retractions of Valpreda, Aunt Rachel Towers, the mother Ele Lovati and the same Pinelli about his alibi, to imply that there were uncomfortable truths to hide (i.e. demonstrations bombs made by anarchists). The author should be aware that the old saying, "I was not there and if there was sleep," is not just a joke, but it's not like the behavior of any particular police, carabinieri and other inquisitors, and it faces a interrogation. They say as little as possible, do not make names of friends and companions and remains unclear. If then things get complicated you can always remember ... and that goes for an old aunt, who does not see why it should be said that his nephew was at his grandparents instead of just saying "I do not know." At that time circulated Manual of militant self-defense by lawyers against the repression that gave detailed instructions to that effect. For this same reason, Pinelli does not quote Sottosanti, Ester Bartoli does not mention (that with the "mysterious" Erda would witness his move to Ponte), cites the famous Erda knowing that it is only a nickname and the name of Ivan Guarneri, already mate well known to the police station. But it is precisely on the basis of the 'hole' of Pinelli alibi the excuse that Cucchiarelli based largely fanciful hypothesis, that Pinelli "could have something to do with the other bombs." Totally fanciful hypothesis that has no truth, as infamous as generic.
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“A” n. 168, November 1989 |
• On p. 274 describes a dinner at the home of Pinelli present Nino Sottosanti, Rosemma Zublena, Armando Buzzola with his partner, and Algerian Miloud, the latter hastily called "liaison man with the Palestinians." This Miloud, Berber, who played in the liberation struggle in Algeria, has never had to deal with the Palestinians, where is this news from? In this and another dinner, again at Pinelli home, also participated in "an unknown anarchist," which, drawing on a report by the Interior Ministry in Ritov & filing of the Appian Way in Rome, Cucchiarelli identifies Gianfranco Bertoli: l ' author of the 1973 massacre at the police headquarters in Milan. Too bad that when Zublema attended the anarchists of Gianfranco Bertoli no one had yet heard. Pure fantasy.
• On p. 290 meet Mauro Meli, another alleged anarchist railway worker, self-styled provocateur to infiltrate his say the circle Ponte della Ghisolfa. He was never seen (the photography in the book), or known by anyone. If the Ponte was his provocative work has been noticed very little. One wonders why, on these and other news, Cucchiarelli did not ask for confirmation of witnesses who also he knows about? Perhaps because of the anarchists there is little to be trusted, as he confesses in another passage the book?
• On p. 345 Note 11 tells us about "booksellers publishers apparently left to find over Ventura Massari in Rome and Umberto del Grande in Milan. 'The latter knew very well Pinelli but was also in contact with men of the New Order and Carlo Fumagalli, head of MAR. Nino
Umberto del Grande (died a few years ago) was not a publisher or a bookseller, was an anarchist Ponte della Ghisolfa for years and was a member of the anarchist Crocenera. His only outcome as a publisher was to assume ownership of the publisher who in 1971 published A the anarchist magazine, and was formed a cooperative that would handle the magazine. He never had to deal with men of the New Order. He was also fond of travel in the Sahara, so he bought an old Land Rover from a mechanical in Segrate. When the prefect Libero Mazza made public the census of the "subversives" groups in Milan, he cited del Grande as responsible for Crocenera. The report Mazza was also read from the mechanic, who was Fumagalli, and that turned out as such to del Grande. And the mechanical-client relationship was shut.
• On p. 347 states that the writing of the book La strage di Stato - The massacre of State was driven by Giovanni Ventura. In footnote 12 on p. 667 states that "there is reason to believe" that's because Mario Quaranta, (editorial member of Ventura, and disqualified character Franzin his close friend) would have told the judge Gerardo D'Ambrosio. The testimony of someone like Quaranta should not be considered so lightly.
• On p. 368 stated for sure that Valpreda would go to the anarchist congress in Carrara in 1968 along with a crowd of fascists XII March in Rome, which lists the names: Pietro «Gregorio» Maulorico, Lucio Paulon, Augusto De Amicis, Aldo Pennisi, Alfredo Sestili and "the already" converted "anarchist Mario Merlino." Where Cucchiarelli drew this news is not known.
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“A” n. 168, November 1989 |
• On p. 399 there is another serious allegation, because the defamatory material: it is said that Enrico Di Cola, a young member of the Roman March 22, would be one who would be targeted investigations against Valpreda and that this would be offset by the police with a safe passage to exile in Sweden. Di Cola, expatriates in Sweden where he actually asked for and received political asylum, but he did so clandestinely, with no little difficulty, helped by some anarchists and with a false document.
A few lines later Roberto Mander and Emilio Borghese are classified, with Merlin, "the more compromised with the provocation." How and on what basis can give you Cucchiarelli cause of this and that without any proof is not known (Mander has already sued Cucchiarelli). It is always the obsession of anarcho-fascists, Nazis, etc., that surrounds the entire novel.
• On p. 621, Pino Pinelli's tomb there really a poem from that anthology that one Christmas, commissioner Calabresi gave the anarchist, "the book Spoon River Anthology by Edgar Lee Masters, but things went exactly to' opposite Calabresi gave Pinelli "Mille milioni di uomini" - a thousand million men by Enrico Emanuelli. It's just an oversight, but we like to remember that the poetry that they recorded on the Pinelli grave diggers of Carrara was not taken from the book that gave him the Commissioner, but from what he gave to repay for that unexpected gift, to Calabresi.
Finally, in several passages of the book one gets the impression that the author brings stories to voice heard by someone, the only way to explain the repeated mistakes on the names: Otello Manghi instead of Othello Menchi, Octavio Alberala instead of Octavio Alberola...
These are just some of the inaccuracies and "fantasies" of the book by Cucchiarelli.
anno
41 n. 363
Enrico Maltini