My diorama.
Best wishes to the world.
by
Fulvio Abbate
At the center I would like there was a portrait of Durruti.
Dear "A",
You ask me for a contribution for yourself. Scattered reflections from me.
Noting the impossibility of building a speech that is completely such, having been visited by some dialectic possibilities (all regularly trashed a while after its disclosure), I concluded to make a gift to friends and readers to a long list of items that , at least in my intent, it should be sooner or later the large body of poetic reflection on a century of riots - the twentieth century, certainly, but also the days that still lie ahead, unless you want us to give up, thing I do not believe , anger - about the possibility of raise ourselves, as King Kong on the yard of erotic and revolutionary satisfaction.
If I mention the gorilla, the reason is there, and concerns our common love for libertarian Spain. There is in fact the photo of a tank of the CNT-FAI in the top of which, unknown hands, have painted in a very visible and marked the reference data of the Hollywood star, the most poignant, the most pure of heart. King-Kong, in fact.
I forgot: the other day heard the last speech of Salvador Allende, ruled by Radio Magallanes under the blows of aviation coup on 11 September 1973. Salvador, speaking on the future, to those who would one day come to hear his story, heard of his defeat, he pronounced himself, his ghost coming through "the calm metal of my voice," indeed: "... el metal tranquilo de mi voz ". But I'm stealing time to the ideal model of the historical and poetic satisfaction that I have just promised.
Well, at the center of the model I'd like there to be a portrait of Durruti, a tribute to my Hero, but also the legendary broadcaster's honors - http://www.teledurruti.it - as it turned out from the brushes of a Sicilian friend painter Francesco Sarullo. Durruti, freed from the abyss of a shadow on the yellow background of the legend.
And just next door, the same as the first-cent. "That Scrooge 'Scrooge guards behind the desk, an "anarchist" bill of the community Binefar-Huesca, a real jewel of a stellar, astral coin. Forgive the insistence of the Iberian land, but continued with a tiny picture that shows the faces of three facets of 1936, the same which I have dedicated this couplet: "Three girls in the wind of Republican Spain in 1936, the adolescence of revolution. A novel photo in just a few centimeters, a masterpiece, our eyes on the work of milliners, our eyes on the trinity of candor. Wherever you are, there comes a kiss of gratitude. "
I would add yet a model of the Picasso statue that is located in Chicago: a horse, albeit stylized, that's where the adventure ends of the car in the Blues Brothers movie by John Landis in 1980, needless to add that the use to which is designed with me in my plastic is easy to paperweights, under which, at least at this moment is saved from the hands of the wind a tiny paper that brings a written sentence that we usually attach to Albert Camus, "What counts among friends is not what they say, but what you do not need to say.. "
Obviously, my diorama is an open work, but meanwhile I can do these lines which have served to present it.
Congratulations to all of us, wish to the world.
The Jewish Anarchists
(And especially the
Jews women)
by Furio Biagini
For Emma Goldman, the rights and freedom of the individual had to be at the center of each libertarian politics.
We have often told, even on the pages of this magazine, of the Jewish anarchist movement in the U.S., but never enough of the role that women played. Historiographically the contribution of women has been associated with the Jewish anarchist Emma Goldman's name, even though her ideological positions did not coincide with those of the majority of her companions. For Goldman, the rights and freedoms of the individual should be central to any libertarian politics, but politics should not give priority to the struggle for the emancipation of workers, position supported by the militant Jewish anarchist organizations.
The first Jewish anarchist organization's with the significant name Pionire der Frayhayt (Pioneers of freedom) was founded in 1886 after the events in Haymarket Square, and the condemnation of August Spies, George Engel, Adolph Fischer, Louis Lingg, Samuel Fielden, Justus Schwab, Albert Parsons and Oscar Neebe. Affiliated with the International Workers Association, was formed by a dozen young people come from remote regions of the Tsarist Empire. We must not, in fact, forget that the birth of the Jewish anarchist movement is inextricably linked to the migration current from Eastern Europe. The anarchists recruited mainly in the neighborhoods populated by Jewish immigrants where poverty and exploitation were the daily reality. Among the frightfully dirty streets and houses often in ruins it did not lack an unlimited supply of cheap labor made up mostly of women and children. In the new world, the Jewish woman was carrying, along with her featherbed, with chandeliers and pans, her survival-oriented skills, energy, strength, pragmatism, necessary in Eastern Europe in order to survive themselves and their families. The entry of women into the labor market, to which by the way they were used, emancipated them from male control and put them in touch with the harsh realities of the sweat-shop meant that iper-exploitation in unhealthy rooms, sunrise to sunset, in poor hygiene terms and for a starvation wage. Emma Goldman, Rose Perotta, Marie Ganz, Mollie Steimer, and many others had worked in those terrible factories.
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Emma Goldman |
Within the populous districts of East Side New York, in addition to making an effective contribution to the union of a backward and unruly proletariat, women were particularly active in educational projects aimed at children and adults, along the lines of the Modern Ferrer School to encourage the development of individual potential in order to prepare the members of the future anarchist society. The same "Di Fraye Arbeter Shtimme" (The Free Voice of Labour) hosted a women's section, where women could freely express themselves, to which they gave their contribution to Anna Margolin, Fradel Shtok and Yenta Serdatzky. Hadassa Kosak recalls as "anarchist Jewish women were at the forefront in the campaigns conducted by groups of civil liberties to curb abuses of state power. Pauline Turkel organized an event at Madison Square Garden on behalf of Tim Mooney and Warren Billings in 1917. Perotta was the head of the campaign to free Mooney from prison in 1934. Many other the initiatives that saw their participation, including the campaign for amnesty for the Russian anarchists promoted by the Anarchist Red Cross. Hilda Adel helped found the Political Prisoners' Defense and Relief Committee in 1918 to help the protesters who were arrested for opposing the U.S. intervention in the First World War. Rose Pesotta, Emma Goldman, Rose Mirsky, and many others have worked tirelessly for the defense of Sacco and Vanzetti in 1920."
The propaganda against the First World War, the defense of the Russian Revolution and the opposition to the American intervention against the Soviet Republic, who found space on the pages of "Der shturm" (The storm) and "Frayhayt" (Freedom), saw the participation of Mary Abrams, Mollie Steimer, Hilda Adel, Clara Rotberg Larsen and Sonya Deanin.
In the decade between the end of World War I and the beginning of the New Deal, the Jewish anarchist movement went slowly weakening, especially for the police repression of the government, but especially for the assertion of Soviet communism that made him turn pale the prestige of the revolutionary anarchism. From that moment on, his story is that of the aging of its activists and its slow loss of influence is also due to the gradual integration of ethnic minorities in American society, less and less tempted by the revolutionary hopes and increasingly attracted by the security and economic well-being. However, small anarchist groups and their publications continued to survive until the seventies of last century, but remained marginal even when the struggle for sexual liberation made of Emma Goldman the icon of the feminist movement.
Anarchy
of the communication
by Gaia Raimondi
The language, one of many tools of communicative wide range has a powerful constructive power.
In today's world, communication is perhaps the largest and most complex vehicle that human beings possess in order to interact and shape reality. Precisely because of its creative power - because when I pronounce a word in the mind of the other I'm actually creating an image, combined with a sound - easily comes to be transformed into an instrument of control and domination.
Due to the multifaceted power of language, thanks to multiple levels of interpretation on which it can bounce a message, changing its content according to the intention of the interlocutor, the interpretation that gives the listener and then the plane in which the message arrives , communication is both a vivid subliminal component, for which there is never or almost never just one meaning for a message sent.
Valuable resource the multi-functionality, but also formidable double-edged sword, with disastrous effects, the most serious of all, more than lies, just to the right and then placed persuasion of the other.
Who wants to see rise to "the sun of the here and now" and not the future, should thus get to think and also study this fundamental aspect of social relations, trying to build bridges against the wiles of the cultural and communication barriers, because the world communication is a cultural product par excellence, which can be used to implement a real change in the minds of individuals.
The language, one of many tools of a wide range of communication, is a powerful constructive because it works through an abstraction of shared concepts and the creation of ideas associated with them should, if properly operated and if diluted with the colors of our utopias, give birth to as many strokes, flashes of light and ideas in the listener, who lives to play meridian gray dish and mixed the mass media lobotomy inherent in the brains of the world, largely dominated by media and misleading language.
In other words, we must continue to speak of anarchy, in stories, testimonies, to make it a concept full and rich term in the collective imaginary, because the domain, to destroy it subtly, always tries to relegate it to mere container of stereotypes, deviated fragments, distorted images tailored specifically to denigrate and belittle an exaggerated idea of freedom.
No coincidence that the anarchists have historically suffered heavy repression and propaganda in many communication projects. Clandestine subversive printing, arrests and subsequent migrations, Italian periodicals printed abroad in secret, they were an example. Because communication, like anarchy, weaving relationships, stimulates and releases emotions, issues and ideas causes strange tremors that are sometimes unexpected twists. To this must be food an anarchy of communication that makes us exist in the world, who tell us, that gives people the chance to imagine, to wonder why our statements, our desires are real, that makes the dream of utopia and utopia action and creation, which can spread germs to our cultural mutation.
Anarchy of the communication is made, inter alia, continuing to support A-rivista, typing in their ideas, telling of experiences near and far, making it possible scenario of the many worlds around us, reading it, giving it or selling it to even better out loud from the stations in large cities, to jump curious who is running to take his train after the wage-slavery and stuck there almost by mistake, in that this bomb does not explode but that opens the mind to those unaware, until the day before, had continued to run without getting there.
Trade union rights
and power of the Corporate
by Gianni Alioti
It is the only way to curb the growing power of capital.
Since the 80s unions in the developed world, have come to terms with their decline: the reduction in membership and bargaining power. This has led to talk, perhaps too hastily, of the end of trade unionism. It would have been just talk about change and "crowding out" of the role of unions, the effect of globalization and changes in production systems and the value chain.
In the globalized world, capital, technology, products and services move freely across borders, as opposed to people. We are facing an "itinerant capitalism" imposing the rules of the game. They are the transnational corporations, large networks of logistics and distribution business to determine investment flows and places of production and work, through sub-contracting of the suppliers, the processes of de-localization and the "parallel production" on a global scale.
Governments (including communist ones) compete to offer benefits to investment by transnational corporations. What happens, for example, China, Malaysia or in "special economic zones" spread, especially in Asia and Central America, brings us back to conditions of exploitation of workers known to work in the nineteenth century, wages below the vital minimum working up to 72 hours per week, with mandatory overtime and no employment stability, degrading punishment, and no union protection.
In the world there are hundreds of millions of workers who lack the fundamental right to freedom of association. Moreover, while transnational corporations are global players, the work force - even when it is unionized - it is on a national or corporate and collective bargaining in the sector or company is within the national borders. Trade unions and workers' representatives have, therefore, little or no control and no influence over international companies. Moreover, the constant threats of relocation, divestment and restructuring require unions to play defense, and often accept lower wages and longer working hours in exchange for job guarantees.
John Kenneth Galbraith had guessed, since the 60s, that transnational corporations, in the absence of controls, have a superpower, and that therefore it was necessary to articulate the social institutions that were able to counterbalance the weight and the potential dominance of the Corporate.
Democracy to be effective in a society characterized by pluralism of interests, needs a counterbalance between the powers and this should also apply to corporations. To curb and counterbalance this power, that do not reach the excesses of Foxconn in China and the crushing of the individual, should develop the transnational cooperation of the unions. Moreover, since its origins, the labor movement was leaning to the idea of international cooperation and solidarity. Even more so, today, is imperative to develop a global union network in transnational enterprises, promoting solidarity, coordinating actions on a global scale, preventing competition among workers. It is the only way to curb the growing power of capital over the past 30 years, has reduced the share of GDP going to wages and increased income inequality.
Fun and Freedom
by Gianni Mura
Unlike many prominent characters Veronelli never told jokes.
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Luigi Veronelli |
The microphone was not provided, when the Reggio anarchists uncovered at Massenzatico a plaque in memory of Luigi Veronelli, Gino for his friends, and a light rain fell. But there was enough people, the usual beautiful faces that I saw already in Gualtieri. Veronelli then was called to the room of a restaurant and tavern that specializes in grapes Fogarino. Those faces I had already seen, not all the same but similar, at Gino's funeral, in Bergamo. And I wondered, to Massenzatico and even after, if the memory of Gino was a peculiarity of a tougher or less forgetful piece of Emilia. Just to say, why not dedicate a street in Milan, where he was born, and Bergamo, where he lived most of his life?
Light rain, no microphone and the words of the speakers (better: friends) were sometimes covered by the noise of large tractors that pulled carts filled with boxes of grapes. Very nice, I thought, this overlapping of the harvest to Gino would have liked more than a Dvorak symphony. The land was to establish precedence. For him, who called the vineyard the song of land to the sky, all adds up.
Nice and dry, or a few words, the inscription in white Carrara marble. He taught the world the joy of freedom and freedom of pleasure. Free, libertarian and libertine Veronelli was really, and this is the answer to the questions that I asked on the part of Emilia, Milan and Bergamo. In this world, or rather in this swamp that has become Italy, freedom is a word that scares us, more so if inflated by those in power, who even has included the initials of the party. Pleasure is a word that annoys. The two related words are extremely dangerous, if not subversive. Ergo: no street to be dedicated to the subversive, and the good old days when you could give away the mandatory residence.
Unlike many celebrities, Veronelli never told jokes. I'm glad that he died before seeing (or rather, hearing, because he was almost blind) the disarray, the landslide, the sink. He left with the concern that he has not translated Apollinaire. I regret its human depth, not its death. And I think that one day, who knows when, someone will return to Veronelli what he is: the status of a full intellectual, a craftsman of thought, beyond the work (also important) undertaken in the field of eating and drinking , that is a small part of our lives and not closely related to the history, economy, ethics, ecosystem. "Luisin distinguishes the angels on the first beat of feathers," wrote Gianni Brera. Yes, I add, but in a country that fails to distinguish the giants even looking at the footprints they leave.
Independentisms
and anarchisms
by Gianni Sartori
The increased capacity of the dominant techno-industrial-military system to exploit the liberation movements.
I consider that the independence is one of the possible outlets for the rights and struggles for self-determination of peoples. Possible, not inevitable or necessary. I also believe that we can legitimately speak of "liberation movement" when the fight is also against the economic system responsible for colonial oppression (capitalism, imperialism, neoliberalism, state capitalism...). This automatically excludes an interesting discussion parties as the Breton Adsav, those nostalgic Flemish neo-Nazis or the Northern League. Also excludes the case of Katanga in the sixties or Santa Cruz in today's Bolivia.
Regarding the possibility of an organic relationship, "physiological", stable structural between anarchism and left-wing independent movements, personally I've always been skeptical. And this despite the "life events" have led me to empathize with the Irish, Basque, courses, Kurds and other "stateless nations", as victims of a form of oppression, one of many that ravage this "valley of tears". However, history has recorded the common fight against Franco, against imperialism, against nuclear energy, environmental protection, human rights and prisoners.
They are not lacking mutual contamination, family and personal biographies that overlap, interplay between libertarian groups and left-wing separatists. See reports in Catalonia Puig Antich MIL and Oriol Solé with the OLLA (Organitzaciò de La Lluita Armada) and the case, tragic and emblematic of Monteagudo, from FAI to Terra Lliure, to the ETA.
Some examples, in bulk.
The Italian patriot Carlo Pisacane was a follower of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and his daughter intervened in favor of the anarchists arrested for the riots of the Matese (1877).
Nestor Makhno in the Ukraine has become a national hero for having fought against the reactionary "white" against the invading Austro-Germans and as well the Bolsheviks, seen as an expression of the Russian occupation.
The Basque sculptor Felix Likiniano anarchist was the creator of "Bietan Jarrai", the snake coiled ax, symbol Euskadi Ta Askatasuna, as telling the etarra José Manuel Pagoaga (" Felix Likiniano, militant de la Utopia "). In the late seventies in Euskal Herria there was a separatist libertarian group called "Askatasuna (Freedom). Then, according to José Antonio Egido, "some people would be integrated into Herri Batasuna".
Catalan separatist movements in the eighties (Moviment d'esquerra nacionalista,Crida a la Solidaritat ...) instances libertarian were present. Perhaps because, as Carles Riera explained, several militants were sons or grandsons of Cenetists or Faists. The Catalan-born writer Eva Forest, imprisoned and tortured after the attack on Carrero Blanco, has worked without problems, she a libertarian activist and daughter of a militant of the FAI, with the Basque independence movement. Some modest signal also in Ireland. In the political program of a dissident republican group (see Ruadhri O'Bradaigh) it was explicitly mentioned the workers' councils as a model of liberation citing Kronstadt (that of 1921). In Britain there were the anarchists-nationalist of the CBIL (Coordination pour une Bretagne indépendante et Libertaire).
Conclusions? In recent years I have taken note of some changes. In particular, the increasing ability of the techno-industrial-military dominance (the old "Imperialism the Highest Stage" etc.etc.) to manipulate the movements of liberation. Is this also a "side effect" of globalization? The independence movement has now become a variable that is used or is thrown as appropriate. As in Kosovo, Bosnia, Kurdistan, East Timor, possibly Ireland ...
With “A” the anarchists
came back to Lugano
by Gianpiero Bottinelli and Edy Zarro
We came back excited from Milan with the numbers of A-magazine, with a youth cutting and stimulating discussions.
One Sunday in December of 1973, fifty young people found themselves in a public exercise of Lugano, near the river Cassarate. Word of mouth and flyers distributed in Ticino (then there were no phones, no internet or social networks) invited to an anarchist meeting. After a discussion of a couple of hours was established the Organization anarchist Ticino, OAT, in fact, a union that brought together individuals and groups already active in the wake of criticism of '68. The "organized" anarchist movement in Italian Switzerland vigorously resumed, after almost three decades of emptiness.
In fact, rare were the companions of the two previous generations remained in Ticino: Carlo Vanza, Antonietta Peretti, Clelia Dotta... and despite the good relations, mutual distrust existed between the "young hippies" and the "old guard".
Other profitable, but irregular contacts, in those years were turned out of Canton, in particular with the CIRA in Lausanne and with some friends young and old in Geneva.
But priviledged were Italy, for reasons of language, and Milan, for reasons of proximity: it deepened the contacts with "those of the magazine" and the library Utopia.
We returned from Milan excited with the numbers of A-Magazine, with juvenile cut and stimulating discussions, Umanita Nova and Volonta, looking a bit antiquated, with leaflets, books and booklets of the legendary "propaganda packages" by Franco Leggio. We organized banquets in the streets of Ticino to spread the anarchist idea, we participated in several local initiatives of the extra-parliamentary left. But the stimulus and the help of contacts with "Milan" did not stop there: the OAT in 1975 began the publication of Azione Diretta, "monthly anarchist propaganda", which ceased after 12 years in 1987.
In 1976, during preparations for the celebrations of the centenary of the death of Bakunin, meeting held in Zurich, were deepened the contacts with the Swiss anarchist and libertarian groups. And we met other fellow Italians of the FAI as Umberto Marzocchi (present as a speaker) and Alfonso Nicolazzi.
Two years later, was founded the publishing house La Baronata of Lugano, who for over thirty years continues to spread anarchist and libertarian publications.
Activities, completed the OAT experience, continued with other initiatives such as the Club Vanzo Charles of Locarno, born in 1986, which - in addition to the well-stocked library - offers annually a dozen cultural events.
But the incentives have not traveled only in a south-north direction, the Ticino came the push to use the Internet to raise awareness of libertarian ideas, and for several years, the online version of the journal is hosted on the server of the Swiss anarcho-bolo.ch.
In the new millennium, a new generation - including activists of the Molino, the autonomous social center of Lugano - has started a quarterly publication of LiberAzione (2003-2006). Then, with the enlargement of writing to a group of companions (of the two generations), but direct and explicit continuity, since 2007 the publication becomes Voce Libertaria "anarchist periodical", quarterly still in operation.
In short, the conditions for the continuation of anarchist and libertarian in Italian Switzerland seems to be still there. And certainly the one hand gave the magazine and those comrades with whom we came in line in the early seventies.
Two who were there, and are there, and hope to be there... for a while more
Topicality of Luce Fabbri
by Gianpiero Landi
Although never see a fully understanding and completely non-violent idea, it comes very close.
Luce Fabbri is certainly one of the most fascinating figures of the twentieth century libertarian political thought. Highly educated intellectual, she left a deep imprint - and a cultural heritage and ethics of which perhaps has not yet fully transposed the importance - both in the field of political theory and in terms of education and training of young generations. In several respects Luce Fabbri is the link between classical and contemporary anarchism.
Daughter, as is known, the militant and intellectual anarchist Luigi Fabbri, in 1929 she settled with her parents - antifascist exiles - in Uruguay, where then she spent the rest of her life. Professor of History in high school and then - for over forty years - in Italian Literature at the University of Montevideo, after the death of her father from 1935 to 1946 she directed the magazine "Studi Sociali". She also published several books and pamphlets in both Italian and Spanish - of history, political philosophy, literary criticism, poetry - and countless articles in newspapers and magazines in various countries.
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Luce Fabbri |
From childhood she received an education in the family founded on the ideals of solidarity and anti-authoritarism, who made her own and with conviction that she knew then transmit in turn is part of the affected individuals and relationships, both in her teaching activities. Heir to the best and most qualified libertarian tradition, proved to have a personality of considerable thickness, with great intellectual curiosity and open until the last to all news.
This is not the time to rebuild, albeit highly synthetic, her life and her intellectual production. Would also be difficult to present in a small space, all interest and all the insights expressed in her writings. I shall only mention two or three that were particularly important to my training, without even groped to develop them properly.
First, the debate on democracy. For Luce, anarchism lies "beyond" democracy, "ahead" but on the same path. There are circumstances where, in the face of totalitarian danger, anarchist must be committed to defending democracy, protecting those areas of freedom - of course limited and imperfect - it still provides. Totalitarianism is an enemy to be fought by all means and to be killed. You can only criticize democracy in the shortcomings in its order to radicalize and overcome it.
Linked in some way to this reflection is the analysis of totalitarianism, of which the Luce was one of the first ever to deal with in her studies, since the Thirties, anticipating to some extent political theorists as Hannah Arendt.
Another very significant issue is that of violence. To Luce it is repugnant, and she sees with clarity the authoritarian risks even when it is "revolutionary violence" of the oppressed. On this issue she reflects a long and suffered so. In the end, while not arriving at a concept never fully and completely non-violent, she comes very close to it. Her head has never ceased to think, until the last days, but in his case to the lucidity of a superior mind has always combined a big heart, unable to remain indifferent to suffering and injustice. Even so her memory is so dear to us.
A substantial
ideal consistency
by Gianpietro “Nico” Berti
“A” is the most comprehensive source for reconstruction of the life of Italian anarchism of the last three decades of the twentieth century.
There were three phases of the history of anarchism. The first goes from his birth to the first World War, the second lies in the period of totalitarianism, the third coincides with the last sixty years. In the first phase anarchism moves within the working and socialist class, in the second - mainly because of conflict with the communist movement - suffers a sharp decline politically, in the third, finally, gradually lost almost all of the original popular characters such as demonstrates its key part in regeneration and existential attuatasi libertarian in the late sixties. The history of Italian anarchism in the last fifty years - as, indeed, that in Europe - coincides with the latter stage and all its political, cultural, social, etc.., represent its internal determinations. Among these, of course, there's "A. Anarchist magazine. "
The story of "A. The anarchist magazine "may, in turn, be divided into three periods. The first covers the seventies, the second the eighties, the third the nineties to the present day. The seventies were marked by the effort to revitalize and re-enacting the more authentic core anarchist theory. The eighties were characterized by the opening of this non-referential core issues from an ideological point of view. The Nineties saw further open up to new interpretations libertarian emerged in the two previous decades. In each of these steps, the magazine has maintained a line of communication broadly consistent in the sense that he has always maintained a character of mediocrity, that is to say that it did not show up as a place of specific theoretical reflection except for the very first time), nor as a place of disclosure "immediately" militant, but just as the middle line between the two polarities. This character has placed it in a central location, in the sense that it reflected a total of labor and the problems of anarchism is understood as a specific militant movement, anarchism is generally understood as the theoretical and ideological not uniquely linked to militancy.
In conclusion, through this vantage point the reading of "A" allows us to follow the evolution of the overall process of the last thirty years, Italian anarchism in all its many manifestations: the history of tomorrow will certainly be "A" most comprehensive source for rebuilding the lives of Italian anarchist last three decades of the twentieth century.
Of course you can not enter into the merits of the many questions raised and addressed by the magazine during its forty year existence. We can, however, point out some problems concerning the meaning of the steps mentioned above.
The first is related to the mutation in the late seventies and early eighties. This is the most important step because it indicates a sense of identity preservation anarchist. Anarchism is not presented as a block ideological critique and judge external reality, but as an articulate speech that compares with other ideologically libertarian does not conform to "orthodox" tradition. The confirmation of this transformation is given by the substantial drop - or, perhaps, by the sharp reduction - issues in the previous decade. The contrast across the entire ideological and policy between state and anarchy - in the seventies that is also informed by the weather (horrible) represented by terrorism and armed struggle - is steeped in diverse contrasts: ecology, feminism, alternative pedagogy, the community experiences, the irreducibility of various personal problems.
This shattering of ideology in many streams is expanded even more in the nineties, that in the decade that saw the disbanding of the general left following the collapse of communism. The event can not involve "A" for his radical opposition to the ideology of "real socialism" does not negate the fact that it, like all European anarchism, lies the historic nell'alveo still left. There is therefore an indirect kick that found in a greater presence of existential issues.
The most striking fact apparent in the forty-year history of the magazine remains one of its essential coherence ideal.
All Translations by Enrico Massetti ("The other Fabrizio" + "Pinelli-Piazza Fontana")
anno
40 n. 358
