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Wednesday,
September 27 there was, at the headquarters of the Federation of
Piedmont Cub, a presentation of the book "The dream in the
hands - Turin 1909 / 1922. Passions and revolutionary struggles
in the memories of Maurizio Garino. "An important book that
I consider particularly useful to labor activists now engaged in
a strenuous effort to contrast the political and governmental
employers and have a strong need to reflect on the fact that the
movement class at his high tackles the central problem of the
social organization: the contradiction between dominant and
dominated, and the construction of an autonomous practice of
struggle and organization to avoid the obvious that the past
experience of the labor movement have given in completely
different contexts than at present. We know it and what it tells
us nothing significant.
And, not surprisingly, the discussion
focused on their own limits, understood literally and not as an
excuse for the abandonment of the collective dispute immediately,
the trade union struggle and the need for a perspective of
radical break with the existing. This discussion led me to
reflect on what is being debated in an area of militants
belonging to different political union in these weeks. I refer in
particular to the document "We must stop them - 5 proposals
for a common front against the government one of the banks.”
http://sites.google.com/site/appellodobbiamofermarli/home
which are held on local and national assemblies..
The platform of the cinquepuntisti
We carry large excerpts:
Do
not pay the debt. We must strike at
the bottom of financial speculation and the power transfer. It
should stop the abyss of interest on debt with a real
moratorium. Major banks should be nationalized, at no cost to
citizens, taxes should be imposed on the major assets and
financial transactions ..... You have to fight against tax
evasion at the bottom, hitting every taboo, from the elimination
of tax havens, from Monaco to San Marino. Stringent constraints
should be placed on public choices and strategies of
multinational.
Drastic cut in military spending and end to
all war mission. From Libya to
Afghanistan. All public expenditure saved in military spending
should be paid to fund public education at various levels.
Policy of peace and acceptance, openness to all the
Mediterranean countries, political and economic support to
revolutions in North Africa and the Palestinian people's
struggle for independence, against the occupation. A new foreign
policy that promotes democracy and civic and social development.
Justice and rights throughout the world of
work. Abolition of all laws on
temporary employment, permanent contract at the reaffirmation of
the universal protection and guaranteed by a mandatory national
contract. Full equal rights for migrant labor, which must obtain
the right to vote and citizenship. Blocking relocations and
layoffs, government intervention in companies in crisis, to
promote self-management experiences of workers. Equal pay, let's
take a drastic cut in bonus millionaires super-salaries and
managers, gold pensions. The remuneration of the managers could
not be more than ten times the minimum wage. Indexing of wages.
Generalized reduction of working time, setting up a social
income financed with a share of the tax asset and the fight
against tax evasion. Reconstruction of a public pension system
that covers the world of work with adequate pensions.
... We need to start from the commons to
build a different model of development, ecologically compatible.
We need a plan for the work based on thousands of small works,
as an alternative to large works, to be, from the Val di Susa to
the bridge over the Strait, cancel them. The main infrastructure
and key assets will be exempted from the market and back in
public hands. Not only water, therefore, but also the energy,
network, services and essential goods. Special plan for
financing the welfare state, to guarantee all citizens the home,
health, retirement, adequate instruction.
A revolution for democracy.
We must begin by the end of the fight against corruption and all
the privileges of caste, to regain the right to decide and take
part in affirming and extending the rights guaranteed by the
Constitution. All property derived from corruption and crime
should be confiscated by the state and managed socially. The
costs of the political system should be drastically cut down:
the financing of political parties, the civil service spread,
the salaries of parliamentarians and senior bureaucrats. All the
money saved will be donated to the financing of public education
and research. .... You need a law on union democracy .... which
guarantees workers the right to a free representation in the
workplace and to vote on contracts and agreements. Development
of self-democratic and popular in all spheres of public life.
Obviously, at least for me, some of these
proposals are fully shared, frankly no other, but I'm interested
in the first place to grasp the overall logic. In essence it is
proposed:
public control of state / economy affecting in
particular the financial speculative capital. A strong social
democracy in other words, since the expropriation of the
expropriators is not taken into account, and sustainable economy
and bent to the collective interests of society,
social-democratic model of ecological change in the above;
Cutting this demand with "socialist"
intertwines the less "traditional" for a radical
democratization of society, which incorporates, quite obviously,
the themes of "anti-caste" that characterize a series
of new cultural, political and social movements;
finally claim a robust system of rights for the
working-class and cutting military spending, if we want more
classic themes of the radical left and the grassroots unions.
A non-original political
A program like this is obviously influenced by the framework of
the international crisis: Iceland, Greece, Spain, Portugal etc..
and the drift of the institutional left which proposes an
alternative.
At first reading, I admit that the consideration
that came to mind is the very obvious: too much and too little.
As the motion platform, and it seemed implausible as a political
program too moderate.
At a more thoughtful reflection, I must
say that I remained of the same idea but my attention has shifted
to the political project behind the proposal, on the one hand,
and political issues to which it refers, on the other.
From
the first point of view, it is all too obvious that this is a
classic attempt to bring together the fields of "left left",
in obvious difficulty of a platform that modernized to some
extent its traditional culture. I suspect a political wing, but
has little, as they say, we'll see.
From the second point of view, it seems to me that the need for
the promoters of the move is to go beyond the immediate
struggles, fragmented and difficult for today to propose a kind
of unifying the minimum program.
In other words, there is,
shared, need to give a general perspective to the struggles of
today but the risk of entrusting it all to a campaign of opinion
that other delegates to the possible implementation of what is
being proposed. A form of "division of labor" between
movements and, indeed in short supply, institutions.
The necessity of the action
In this regard, a companion and friend writes to
me:
“Campaigners
for the freezing of the debt at least an effort at synthesis have
done, the major limitation is that they are all requests that
should be implemented by a political subject (fantasy).
How
realistic is it that a mobilization of people able to trigger the
processes desired?
So, hypothetical hypothetical, unrealistic
unrealistic, I would say that we should play another land, which
also is specific trade union. If ten points of GDP have moved to
a quarter of a century, from labor to capital, we request that
this wealth subtracted back to workers. And we also have to
explain to workers that the international crisis is the crisis
for billions of human beings and the dream of Scrooge from
'Scrooge for a few international pirates who designed over time,
with the complicity of an increasingly subjected to political
finance, a monstrous machine. ....
This core "raw"
(claim of right to work and a decent income) I think it can be
developed and translated into effective slogans, avoiding, if we
turn to those who work, both technical and useless lamentations.
And reminding us that today ask for a wage increase has the same
scope as subversive than asking the freezing of the debt, but has
the advantage of touching the immediate interests of workers.”
I seem to grasp the point, if a trade union
campaign and unifying policy is practiced must be such as to
focus the action of female and male workers, the unemployed and
the unemployed.
Override to override, I would choose the one
that puts all of us faced with the need for action and does not
delegate to anyone its realization. This, of course, without
forgetting that the background remains the problem of problems,
namely the expropriation of the expropriators that, at least in
my opinion, is not practicable in installments (banks today,
tomorrow?).
But, as they say, a matter of time
Cosimo Scarinzi
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rivista
anarchica
anno
41 n. 366
